Category Archives: Unions

Women Workers Key to Building a Working Class Fightback

Smash the Cutback to Sunday Penalty Rates through Class Struggle Action

Above: Health Services Union members protest against the NSW government’s attempt to privatise healthcare by stealth by outsourcing hospital services to private businesses. Women workers – suffering both exploitation as workers and male chauvinism – are key to the working class struggle for liberation.

International Women’s Day 2017 comes at a time of heightened attacks on women – especially working class women. That is not only because a hard-core misogynist and racist, Donald Trump, has become the president of the most powerful country in the world. Working class women in Australia have to cop lower wages than men. Unaffordable childcare restricts women’s full participation in economic and social life. Meanwhile, many low income single mothers continue to be ground down by the former Gillard ALP government’s cruel cut to the single parenting payment four years ago. As always, the fate of women’s rights goes hand in hand with workers’ rights and the rights of all the oppressed including Aboriginal people, LGBTI people, coloured “ethnic” people and the unemployed. Alongside attacks on women’s social position, we are seeing the right-wing Turnbull government attack our trade unions – targeting especially the CFMEU construction workers union – and undercut weekend penalty rates for hundreds of thousands of low-paid workers. Meanwhile, all the current parliamentary parties – Pauline Hanson’s fascistic One Nation, the Liberal/National coalition, the Nick Xenophon Team, the ALP and The Greens – are all in various way inciting poisonous nationalism that inevitably targets coloured migrant-derived communities by variously blaming refugees, guest workers or overseas producers for the unemployment and insecurity caused by the capitalist system itself. 

Russia, International Women’s Day, 1917: Mainly female textile workers go on strike for bread sparking a general strike and the toppling of the Tsar. The resulting revolutionary period that was opened up culminated half a year later in the October Socialist Revolution. The banner reads “Glory to the Women Fighters for Freedom!”
Russia, International Women’s Day, 1917: Mainly female textile workers go on strike for bread sparking a general strike and the toppling of the Tsar. The resulting revolutionary period that was opened up culminated half a year later in the October Socialist Revolution. The banner reads “Glory to the Women Fighters for Freedom!”

Women’s rights are so closely bound to the overall state of the class struggle between capitalist business owners and the working class because women’s oppression is actually built on the foundations of class-divided societies. Under capitalism’s social structure a large proportion of women are denied economic independence. With women denied the opportunity to participate equally in economic and political life, male chauvinist attitudes are spawned that “justify” and perpetuate this reality. That is why we must fight for women’s full economic independence through demanding jobs for all and for equal pay between men and women workers. We must also call for free abortion on demand and freely available access to all forms of contraception. To allow women the greatest chance to participate in economic life, we must fight for free 24-hour childcare, for free school lunches at all public schools and for after-school sports, music and cultural activities provided for free by the state alongside free transport from school to these activities. All these demands, however, clash head on with the current system because the capitalists who control the economy are not going to want to sacrifice their profits to make these social programs and full employment possible. Thus, while we can make headway in women’s emancipation through winning concessions through struggle under capitalism, we will only fully open the door to women’s complete liberation when the capitalist system is replaced by a socialist one.

However, women are not just victims of capitalism and will not simply be a major beneficiary of socialism. Working class women, who have the most to gain by ripping up this current system, will also be the key drivers of the struggle to overthrow capitalism. The most powerful example of this occurred on International Women’s Day in 1917 in Russia. It was then that in the Russian capital of Petrograd tens of thousands of mainly women textile workers walked off the job to demand bread. Their struggle sparked off a general strike and a revolt against the tsarist monarchy. The resulting revolutionary period that was opened up culminated half a year later in the October Socialist Revolution. Exactly one hundred years later and this struggle remains the shining path for the fight for women’s emancipation and for the liberation of the masses more generally.

Today, women workers alongside coloured “ethnic” and youth workers are not only amongst the workers most targeted by the slashing of Sunday penalty rates but are crucial to any fightback against this vicious attack.

In February, the “Fair Work” Commission announced its despicable decision to slash Sunday penalty rates between 25% and 50% for hospitality, restaurant, fast food, retail and pharmacy workers. The decision also cuts these workers’ public holiday pay by up to 25%. This will mean a loss of up to $6,000 per year for some workers. The Fair Work Commission’s decision, done with the backing of the Turnbull government, will hurt some of the lowest paid workers in the country. Many of these workers are already on perilous incomes, not only because their pay rates are low but because many are in insecure, casual jobs where they are forced to work less hours than they want to due to the bosses and the bosses’ capitalist system making inadequate work available. The loss of penalty rates will thus mean a huge proportion of their income will be lost. For many of these workers, the loss of penalty rates could be the difference between scraping enough to pay their rent and simply not being able to make ends meet.

Thus far, the pro-ALP leaders of our trade unions have been relying on petitions and parliament to oppose this cruel attack. However, we should not rely on a future ALP government to reverse the cuts. Although the ALP Opposition is now calling for the government to legislate against the Fair Work Commission decision, before the election ALP leader Bill Shorten announced that a future ALP government would not try to reverse a cut to penalty rates if the Fair Work commission ruled in favour of it. So, what exactly would the ALP do if it ended up being the current gang of politicians in government running the rich bosses’ state? What we can expect from the openly anti-working class, Liberal-National government, of course, goes without saying!

What we need is the mobilisation of the power of the working class in mass action – especially including industrial action – to smash the attack on the weekend and holiday pay of hospitality, restaurant, fast food, retail and pharmacy workers. This should not just be the task of the workers directly affected. This slashing of penalty rates is an attack on the entire working class. If the bosses get away with it they will be targeting penalty and shift rates of other workers. Many of those targeted by the recent attack toil in small workplaces where ruthless “small business owners” are able to get away with bullying them. That is why we need workers in larger, more heavily unionised workplaces to also flex their industrial muscle to help crush this attack on penalty rates. Such a mobilisation will also help cement ties between different components of the working class. For example if militant construction workers and maritime workers unleashed their power behind the hospitality, restaurant, fast food, retail and pharmacy workers targeted by this recent attack, they will likely see more of these lower paid workers joining their picket lines when they face impending full frontal attacks from the capitalist rulers.

CFMEU national secretary Michael O’Connor has stated the union’s opposition to the slashing of penalty rates and insisted that the CFMEU would “not stand by and watch” as the Government introduced cuts to pensions, family supplements and attempted to regain welfare overpayments. O’Connor continued that:

“The CFMEU stands ready to fight.

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“This war on battlers must end.

“The war on the fair go must stop.

“Where the fightback takes place — wherever there is a ­picket, a rally, a campaign, whatever it is — you will see us there standing shoulder to shoulder with those under attack.”

These statements now need to be followed by actual industrial action by the CFMEU and other unions to smash the attacks on penalty rates, pensions and welfare payments.

If we can defeat this attack on penalty rates through industrial and other mass action, the union movement will win thousands of new workers – especially younger workers – to joining our ranks. We will also become more united and confident to challenge other attacks that we face including the Liberals ABCC – as well as the anti-strike provisions of Labor’s 2009 Fair Work Act – cuts to public housing and draconian cuts to social welfare for the poor.

The Fair Work Commission (FWC) decision proves once again that the industrial courts in Australia – like all the courts here – are not “independent umpires.” Rather, they form part of a capitalist state – which includes also the police, the military, prisons and the bureaucracy – that was created and is maintained for enforcing the interests of the capitalist exploiting class over the working class. Even when the FWC, on a rare occasion, makes a decision less harmful to workers’ interests then that is not because of any inherent sense of justice in the system but merely reflects those cases where workers have won the struggle on the ground in the industrial and political battlefield and the FWC is forced to accept this reality in order to maintain its credibility. That is why we should not bow to the authority of these courts even if the rules under which it operates are changed. The only law that the workers movement should be bound to respect are our decisions on what is in the interests of the working class and oppressed.

The excuse of the greedy business owners and their FWC for slashing Sunday and holiday penalty rates is that this helps bosses hire more workers. To this we must say: No – we are not going to let you gouge the incomes of already exploited workers even more as the price we must pay to let you supposedly hire more workers. Instead, we are going to force you to hire more at the expense of your already bloated profits. We demand that profitable businesses be banned from cutting the size of their workforce and that profitable firms be forced to increase hiring in proportion to their profits. If the greedy business owners complain that this will make their operations impractical then we say that this only proves that the economy should not be in the hands of these capitalists but should be brought into the socialist, collective hands of working class people.

A Soviet poster advising the woman worker to take up her rifle!
A Soviet poster advising the woman worker to take up her rifle!

Unleash the Full Power of Lower Paid, Youth, Women & Coloured “Ethnic” Workers

The FWC’s penalty rate cut will especially hurt people from the most oppressed sections of the working class – including lower paid workers, women workers, youth workers and workers from coloured “ethnic” backgrounds. These workers are crucial to the overall cause of the working class. All the obstacles that stand in the way of these workers being able to unleash their full fighting strength – like male chauvinism, skilled worker arrogance towards unskilled workers and racism – must be knocked down. Indeed, one thing that this widely hated attack on penalty rates has done is that, in the face of bi-partisan attacks on refugees and Aboriginal people, the growth in support for the extreme racist One Nation party and everyone from the Coalition to the ALP to the Greens trying to emulate the economic nationalism of hard-right, U.S. president Donald Trump, it has highlighted the truth that the cause of Australian workers’ hardships is not in the least refugees, guest workers or overseas producers but the Aussie capitalist exploiters – and the governments and state institutions that enforce their interests. We need to build a leadership of the workers movement that is committed to explaining this basic truth to the masses. One that will face down the lies of the bosses media and pro-capitalist political parties that try to divide the exploited masses with nationalism and racism. This is part of the struggle to reorient our unions away from trust in the “Australia-First”, ALP and the institutions of Australia’s capitalist state and onto a program of militant class struggle against the greedy Aussie capitalists.

Let’s smash the Australian ruling class’ attacks on hospitality, restaurant, fast food, retail and pharmacy workers! Let’s unite all workers in this country – and win crucial international solidarity action by uniting as one with our working class sisters and brothers abroad – to fight for this goal! Let’s unleash the industrial muscle of the united working class! Let’s win this battle so that we can begin to roll back the over three decades of setbacks that the workers movement has suffered!

Tens of Thousands Protest in Australia on the Day of Land Theft and Genocide

Tens of Thousands Protest in Australia
on the Day of Land Theft and Genocide

Rally Attacked by Ruthless Police

21 February 2017: It was the largest Invasion Day protest for many years. The burning issue of extreme racism in capitalist Australia could not be hidden. The capitalist media had to discuss this matter publicly as over 50,000 protested in Melbourne and 10,000 marched in Sydney.

In Sydney, Aboriginal speakers outlined the brutal state murders taking place of Aboriginal people in custody and the continued stealing of Aboriginal children from their families by “community  service” bureaucrats. The Sydney rally was also addressed by a representative of the MUA trade union and an MUA contingent joined the rally. Also rally participants loudly applauded members of the Muslim community when they stated their solidarity with the Aboriginal people’s struggle for justice.

There has been greater consciousness on the oppression of Aboriginal peoples amongst a section of the masses. They have made it clear that they do not want to celebrate Australia Day like it presently is celebrated. Trying to get onboard the sentiment, many small-l liberals, Greens, and soft-lefts have called for changing the date to a more broadly “acceptable” celebration of Australian nationalism. Even conservatives are calling to change the date of Australia Day. Ian Macfarlane, a noted conservative and representive for Queensland’s mining capitalists, stated he wants ‘Australia Day’ changed to another day.

But the staunch young activists of Warriors of the Aboriginal Resistance – WAR called for the abolition of ‘Australia Day’ altogether, rightly stating that:

WAR does not want the date of Invasion Day
(so called ‘Australia Day’) to be changed. WAR
instead stands for the abolishment of the day all
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present genocidal acts against our people.
https://www.facebook.com/WARcollective/
posts/1245000778928812

In Sydney, police assaulted peaceful protesters towards the conclusion of the Invasion Day rally injuring many protesters. On the videos circulating of the event, big and aggressive policemen are seen without warning charging into the middle of the protest, knocking over many unprepared and smaller framed protesters including the elderly and children. Police tried to justify their violent attack on the rally by claiming they were trying to prevent a young Aboriginal activist from burning the Australian flag – a flag which symbolises colonialist genocide. Burning a flag itself is not illegal but the police came prepared with a fire extinguisher to  deliberately harass Aboriginal activists on a day of mourning and protest against systematic racism in Australia. From pictures and videos, at least one young male protester and one young female protester were seen unconscious and in extreme pain after being knocked over by police. It seems the young man fell on his head as he was violently knocked backwards by the rampaging police.  The young woman later was revealed to have suffered serious head injuries and had to spend a week in hospital. Showing commendable solidarity, many Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people came to the assistance of their fellow demonstrators who were being attacked. Police outrageously arrested one protestor on the day. FIRE (Fighting In Resistance Equally), the organiser for the Sydney rally, released a statement condemning the reckless police attack and called for the bogus charges to be dropped against the arrested protester. Subsequently, a second protestor has been charged. Trotskyist Platform adds our voice to the call for all the bogus charges to be dropped against all those protesters charged from the Invasion Day march.

Left: Marauding police violently attacked many demonstrators during the latter stages of the march. Right: Police brutalise a young Aboriginal activist after spraying him and other protesters with fire extinguisher during the Sydney 2017 Invasion Day rally.

 

The police attack on the Invasion Day protest march is typical of the racist and antiworking class police in Australia. We call for our trade unions to mobilise in bigger numbers to support future Aboriginal rights actions. Through the presence of unions playing a prominent role, police and their capitalist masters will think twice before they attack another Aboriginal protest as it could provoke a greater working class and industrial backlash. The participation of the workers movement united with Aboriginal people is integral to the fight for Aboriginal rights and to the fight against racism. Not only should the workers movement be focused on just the workers’ immediate economic issues but also on advancing the overall struggle of the whole working class and all the oppressed as one force against the racist capitalist exploiters.

Sydney, 26 January 2017: Some of the approximately 10,000 people who marched through Redfern and the City in the Aboriginal-led, Invasion Day protest. The intensifying racist oppression of Aboriginal people has pushed a new layer of determined young Aboriginal women and men into anti-racist political activism.

Stop Black Deaths in Custody & Free All the Victims of Australia’s Racist Torture!

JAIL THE COPS & PRISON GUARDS WHO KILLED DAVID DUNGAY,
MS DHU, WAYNE MORRISON, TJ HICKEY, MULRUNJI
& THE MANY OTHER VICTIMS OF THE RACIST, RICH PEOPLE’S STATE!

Rally for David Dungay at Sydney Town Hall.
Rally for David Dungay at Sydney Town Hall. A victim of the rich people’s state. This system was founded on genocidal slaughter and theft that persists even to this day for the Aboriginal community.

It was a display of incredible bravery. After being tortured by sadistic prison guards for years on end from the age of thirteen, 19 year old Dylan Voller calmly and with great dignity testified about his ordeal to the Royal Commission into Northern Territory’s youth detention system. It took extreme courage to do this for Voller is still in prison – now in Darwin’s adult prison. He is still being abused by the same prison system and guards that have tortured this Aboriginal youth over the last six years! His mother understandably fears for Dylan Voller’s life. In the lead up to giving his testimony, guards threatened him with violence. Yet he still gave his evidence in a composed and articulate manner. This has – for many Aboriginal people and other opponents of racist violence – made Dylan Voller a hero.

Voller described how he felt when he was tied by his neck, hooded and left shackled to a chair for up to three hours at a time. It was the image of this torture at Darwin’s Don Dale youth prison that triggered outrage from all decent people in this country. It caused worldwide anger too. The torture, shown on the ABC Four Corners program of 25 July 2016, was reminiscent of the invading U.S. forces’ torture of Iraqi prisoners at Iraq’s Abu Ghraib prison. Dylan Voller testified how he would get “dizzy from panicking” and vomited and wetted himself while hooded and restrained. He also gave new details of the abuse that he and other detainees suffered at the hands of prison guards. Often the guards would starve the prisoners and deny them water. Although the media and ruling class would like to pretend that there was only a problem at the Don Dale detention centre, Voller described similarly horrific treatment when he was in the Alice Springs youth lock up. There guards would humiliate youth by preventing them from going to the toilet, forcing many of the children to urinate into water bottles and then throw them out the next day. Voller described his own experiences:

“I’d been asking to go to the toilet for four or five hours and they kept saying no, and I ended up having to defecate into a pillowcase because they wouldn’t let me go to the toilet,” Voller said.
“There’s been other times I had to urinate out the door or back windows because they wouldn’t come down.”

ABC News Online, 13 December 2016

The July Four Corners program showed that the terrifying abuse of young, mainly Aboriginal boys, in NT youth prisons was not just a matter of isolated cases of torture but one of systematic brutality. Boys as young as 13 were locked up in a solitary confinement regime in Don Dale’s “Behaviourial Management Unit” for weeks upon weeks for all but a single half hour of every day. They were confined to hot, dark cells that stunk of faeces and urine. The cells had not only minimal air flow and little natural light but no running water. With guards often cruelly denying water to the imprisoned youth, that meant that the boys sometimes had to drink the urine from their own toilet bowls to survive.

The Four Corners documentary showed actual footage of prison guards using extreme violence against the imprisoned boys. Guards are not only caught on camera subjecting Dylan Voller to the Abu Ghraib-style hood and shackle torture but are shown repeatedly, over a five-year period, stripping Voller naked to humiliate him, aggressively holding the child down with their full body weight and brutally kicking and punching him. One former youth detainee even told how guards pressured other detainees to bash Dylan Voller, throw hot water and spit at him. No wonder he ended up attempting self-harm several times! Yet after all this, Voller remains imprisoned today. This despite his being due for parole release over a year ago! His mother, Joanne Voller, is leading a call for Dylan’s immediate release. This demand has understandably won much support from humane people nationwide. We add our voice to this just and urgent campaign. Free Dylan Voller immediately! Free all those who have been tortured in Australia’s hell-hole youth prisons!

The prison system’s torture of Dylan Voller was just part of the cruel terror campaign that has been unleashed on many detainees. The Four Corners documentary shows August 2014 footage of how guards at the Don Dale detention centre responded when 14 year-old, Jake Roper, became agitated. The young boy was spending his 15th straight day in solitary confinement in a hot, stinking cell in the prison’s infamous Behaviourial Management Unit. Roper got out of his individual cell and, with a broken light fitting, banged on the locked door, pleadeding with the guards to tell him when he was going to get out of solitary confinement. The prison guards first laugh at the boy’s distress and then unleash several rounds of tear gas at close range over an eight minute period. Using the Nazi policy of “collective punishment,” the guards gas not only Roper but all six of the boys inside the isolation unit. Video shows the guards laughing and cheering at the suffering that they have caused to the terrified children. This proved that the prison authorities and the Territory government lied when they announced to the media that six boys had “escaped” and rioted when, in fact, they had always remained locked inside the Unit. Video footage proves that the closest to ever actually rioting that the boys came was when they screamed out, “I can’t breathe” after the guards gassed them! It also casts serious doubt upon the mainstream media and government narrative concerning more recent so-called “riots” around the country such as at the Victorian youth detention centres in Malmsbury and Parkville. In the Parkville facility, 80% of the locked up children have been languishing on remand, that is they haven’t even been convicted of any crime yet, and are forced to endure cramped conditions “packed in like sardines” as a former Victorian commissioner for children has described their plight (The Age, 14 November 2016).

The footage of the gassing incident at Don Dale also confirms that the barbaric abuse of Aboriginal detainees was not just caused by a few rogue prison guards but was directed and encouraged from the very top of the racist state administration. NT Corrections Commissioner Ken Middlebrook is shown at the prison approving the use of the tear gas. Furthermore, he is caught on video footage responding to a question from a prison officer about whether they should “Gas the lot of them?” with an incitement to terrorise the children with an extremely large dose of gas. “Mate, I don’t mind how much chemical you use,” exclaims the Corrections Commissioner.

Any half decent person in this country who saw all this footage was completely outraged at this vision. The Turnbull government knows this and that is why they were quick to call a Royal Commission into NT youth detention centres following the Four Corners documentary. However, how insincere the Turnbull government are about actually ending the torture is illustrated by the fact that they consulted the then NT Chief Minister, Adam Giles, the man ultimately responsible for overseeing the abuse at NT youth detention centres, about what the terms of reference for the Royal Commission should be. That’s like the judges at the post-World War II war crimes trial asking Hermann Göring (the highest ranking surviving Nazi leader) what the terms of reference should be into their deliberations in Nuremburg! What the Liberal/National government, the ALP Opposition and other parliamentary parties mainly want from this Royal Commission is for the Australian state machine “to be seen to be” doing something in order to divert Aboriginal activists and other anti-racists from launching staunch militant protest action against the racist torture.

Racist State Brutality All Throughout Australia

Nearly all Aboriginal people who saw the Don Dale torture footage were furious. Yet receiving accounts of violent abuse of people in their community is something that Aboriginal people are often burdened with. They know all too well that authorities are meting out cruelty against their family and friends in custody – both children and adults – all throughout this country. One of the purposes of Turnbull’s Royal Commission is to obscure this by portraying the abuse seen in the revealed footage as an exclusively NT issue. That is why they restricted the terms of the Royal Commission to only look at youth detention centres in the Nothern Territory.

The August 2014 death of 22 year-old, Julieka Dhu, in police custody in WA highlights the murderous oppression that Aboriginal people right across Australia face. She died of a severe bacterial infection and pneumonia because police – and later medical staff – criminally prevented her from getting the medical care that she so desperately cried out for. When it comes down to it: they murdered her! To hide the cops’ brutal abuse of Ms Dhu, WA courts initially suppressed video footage of her imprisonment. When the footage was finally released two days ago – but with much of the sound and part of the video still censored – it showed police brutally handling her even while she was groaning in extreme pain and on the verge of death. In one taped incident a policewoman – supposedly checking on her health – yanks Ms Dhu violently by the arm and then cruelly leaves her to flop down and smash her head on the concrete cell floor. The cop does not even then check to see if Ms Dhu has been further injured. Later, when police finally take the dying woman to hospital, the footage shows the police handcuffing Ms Dhu and then dragging her along the floor. They treated her with far more disrespect than most humans treat animals! What police had done earlier was, however, even more harmful. The night before, Ms Dhu had cried out in terrible pain for help but police refused to take her to hospital claiming she was “faking it.” The next morning when the cop on duty told another detainee that, “she is trying to get out,” after the detainee confirmed that Ms Dhu had been screaming all night, the detainee retorted, “she’s really in pain.” Still police refused Ms Dhu medical attention. They continued to do so even after she vomited repeatedly for over an hour. Instead the cop in charge, Sergeant Rick Bond, bent near her and according to the other officer present, Shelly Burgess, whispered in Ms Dhu’s ear: “You are a fucking junkie, you have been to the hospital twice before, and this is not fucking on… you will fucking sit this out.” Burgess further testified that this officer in charge whispered so as not to be recorded (The Guardian, 21 March 2016). After all this, two of the officers centrally responsible for Ms Dhu’s death ended up being promoted!

As is all too typical, the coroner’s report into Ms Dhu’s death was a whitewash. Even while admitting that the police acted in an “unprofessional and inhumane manner,” the coroner’s report, released this month, recommended no charges be laid against any of the officers. In other words, cops’ inhumanity can cause a death of a young Aboriginal woman but still they will face no consequences for it … apart from being promoted! Consider the contrast with another case. In 2010, a doctor practising in Queensland, Dr Jayant Patel, was jailed for alleged negligence causing the deaths of patients. He was later cleared of causing the deaths on appeal and re-trial. We are not qualified to comment on whether there actually was any negligence or not on the part of Dr Patel. However, it is clear that his initial trial occurred before the backdrop of a witch-hunt style atmosphere full of racist undertones about an Indian-origin doctor causing the deaths of mainly white patients. Yet even if the allegations of incompetence were indeed true, the fact is that Dr Patel was initially sentenced to seven years jail (of which he served two years before winning on appeal) for causing deaths to patients that no one claimed were a result of any malice or hostility to any of the patients on his part. The crimes Dr patel had been accused of were not allegedly caused by ill-will towards patients clouding his judgement but merely allegedly caused by incompetence and negligence. For that he copped a seven year sentence. In stark contrast, the cops who so roughly treated Ms Dhu and murderously prevented her from receiving urgently needed medical treatment – not to mention the medical staff who earlier twice sent Ms Dhu back to the police lock-up – caused Ms Dhu’s death not merely because of incompetence but because of their prejudice, contempt and naked hostility towards her. For that they have received no criminal punishment at all! Such is the way that the scales of “justice” work in racist, capitalist Australia.

To add insult to a horrifying death, the WA coroner even found that: “I do not find that any of the HHC (Hedland Health Campus) staff or police were motivated by conscious deliberations of racism in connection with their treatment of Ms Dhu.” What rubbish! Outrageously, the coroner only recommended competency training of police officers in Aboriginal culture. Of course, it is fine for all officials to be educated about the rich culture of Aboriginal people. However, for such a “solution” to be highlighted in this and other cases where cops and screws get away without any accountability for causing a death in custody, is simply a quite deliberate diversion. How much does one need to know about a person’s culture to know that one should not deny a human being medical care when they are in terrible agony? Or to know that one should not allow a person’s head to fall onto concrete and if that happens one should at least check on their condition? Does a policeman need to know about Aboriginal culture to know that they should not beat a human being to death the way that the cop Chris Hurley murdered Palm Island Aboriginal man Mulrunji Doomadgee in 2004? In cases where racist brutality has caused the deaths of people, to talk about “incompetence” or lack of cultural knowledge being the cause whitewashes the truth that these were murderous acts of racist cruelty – crimes that must be punished or else they become a green light for further racist state violence.

Racist Terror in Australia Is Getting Worse

WA premier Colin Barnett responded to the coroner’s report on Ms Dhu’s death by outrageously making excuses for the cops’ cruelty. He claimed that they faced “a difficult situation.” Barnett even argued that the police were “facing a lot of aggression” at the time even though none of the police themselves even tried to claim that Ms Dhu was ever aggressive (The Guardian, 18 December 2016). Going one step further in defending racist state brutality, the prime minister’s indigenous adviser, Warren Mundine, defended the torture of Dylan Voller: “It’s a tough job to go out every day and have people abuse you and spit on you – you’ve got to be able to restrain people.” He also had the hide to attack Dylan Voller himself: “Let’s not pretend he is innocent.” The truth is that Dylan Voller is the victim of a barbaric and racist “justice” system. He was thrown into youth detention at the age of eleven for relatively minor offences but was so brutalised and demoralised by years of being horrifically tortured, assaulted and humiliated that he was conditioned to commit more serious offences. This, in turn, became the pretext for the state authorities to ever more savagely abuse him. The dishonest narrative promoted by Warren Mundine and his co-thinkers, like Noel Pearson and Marcia Langton, is that Aboriginal people are the main cause of their own disadvantage and suffering: in other words, blame the victim. However, this is impossible to even pretend to do in the case of Ms Dhu. She committed no crimes against anyone. She was to be held in custody for four days because she was too poor to afford to pay fines from very minor alleged “offences” that she committed several years earlier. That she should even be fined for these alleged offences – such as “swearing” and “waving her finger in a police officer’s face” – let alone jailed is itself a reflection of the racist and anti-poor people bias in Australia’s “justice” system. However, even though the narrative promoted by the Warren Mundines, Noel Pearsons and Marcia Langtons simply does not stack up against the facts it is given huge airplay by the mainstream media. The big business and government-owned Australian media love such Aboriginal “leaders” because they play a major role in “justifying” the ruling class’ ongoing brutal oppression of Aboriginal people.

Indeed, if one only listened to the mainstream media, one would almost think that most Aboriginal people have the same outlook as Warren Mundine and Noel Pearson! Yet these people only represent a rather small section of the Aboriginal community – those few Aboriginal people who have managed to make it into privileged economic and social circles and are, thus, so loyal to the current social order that they share the same contempt for the Aboriginal masses as the racist white ruling class. You would not know this from the mainstream media but there are Aboriginal spokespeople with a million times more support amongst grassroots Aboriginal people than the Mundines and Pearsons. These are the new crop of feisty and eloquent Aboriginal rights activists. What is driving their emergence is the fact that the racist oppression of Aboriginal people is actually getting worse and worse. Over the last year alone, for example, the number of Aboriginal people imprisoned in Australian jails has increased by over 700 (http://www.abs.gov.au/ausstats/abs@.nsf/Lookup/by%20Subject/4517.0~2016~Main%20Features~Aboriginal%20and%20Torres%20Strait%20Islander%20prisoner%20characteristics~5). Meanwhile, more Aboriginal children are being stolen from their families by “community services” authorities, there is an increase in redneck violence against Aboriginal people and the rate at which Aboriginal prisoners are being outright murdered – or otherwise dying due to the brutality of police or prison guards – is growing.

On 29 December last year, Aboriginal man David Dungay died at Sydney’s Long Bay jail after guards brutally acted towards him on the pretext that Dungay – a diabetic – was eating a biscuit! A large number of guards violently wrestled him to the ground and held him face down on a mattress. Even though he told guards that he couldn’t breathe, prison staff then injected Dungay with a strong sedative without even assessing his vital signs or checking his airwaves. They also violated standard procedures by failing to have any resuscitation equipment or antidote to the treatment present at the scene (http://www.sydneycriminallawyers.com.au/blog/indigenous-man-dies-after-being-restrained-by-nsw-prison-guards/). Shortly afterwards, Dungay turned purple and stopped breathing. As Mr Dungay’s mother, Leetona Dungay, described it:

“Straight out murder. They murdered my son…”
“They’ve got to be accountable for it.”
Hawkesbury Gazette, 8 September 2016

The NSW authorities moved into cover up mode. Corrective Services NSW rushed to immediately declare that police were not treating Dungay’s death as suspicious. They are so used to getting away with murdering Aboriginal people that they don’t even think that they need to even pretend to be fair. Meanwhile, only two of the four health staff involved in administering the sedative documented their role in the health records.

The murder of David Dungay has left his family devastated. However, they are courageously standing firm and demanding justice. David Dungay was only 26 years-old when he was killed and just three weeks away from being eligible for parole.

Seven months after Dungay was killed, Wiradjuri woman Rebecca Maher died in the Maitland police station less than six hours after being taken into police custody. Police detained Maher in the early hours of July 19 after she was walking the streets of Cessnock. They claimed that they believed Maher was intoxicated. Police did not arrest Maher but claimed that they took her into custody due to “concerns for her welfare.” Yet Maher’s family have now showed ABC media a report that indicates that Rebecca Maher had neither illegal drugs nor alcohol in her system!

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Rebecca Maher’s death is more than highly suspicious. A person who is just 36 years-old and healthy enough to be walking along the street just six hours earlier does not suddenly drop dead due to natural causes! What points the finger at the police even more is their violation of a long-established procedure called the Custody Notification Service whereby, under NSW law, the police must notify the Aboriginal Legal Service (ALS) as soon as they take an Aboriginal person into custody. Not only did the police break the law by not immediately notifying the ALS of Rebecca Maher’s detainment, they did not do so until 24 hours after her death! Indeed, they did not even notify Maher’s family of her death until six hours after her passing. What were they covering up? And why did police even take Maher into “protective custody” in the first place when she was sober and by the police’s own admission had committed no offence warranting arrest? Over the last 228 years, police and prison guards have been notorious for raping Aboriginal women in custody – just as heads of Aboriginal reserves, masters of Aboriginal domestic servants and rural capitalist bosses of Aboriginal families toiling in agricultural industries were known to do the same to black women out of custody. The events surrounding the tragic death of Rebecca Maher are surrounded by uncertainty. But what is absolutely clear is that key questions remain unanswered about how Rebecca Maher died while in police custody.

Then on September 26 of this year, Aboriginal man, Wayne “Fella” Morrison died in hospital after being bashed by five prison guards at Adelaide’s Yatala Labour Prison three days earlier. By the time he was taken to hospital, Morrison had serious brain injuries. His sister reported that “he has bruises all over him” (NITV, 26 September 2016). He was not convicted of a crime but was about to face a court appearance through video link for charges he faced. The Aboriginal Legal Rights Movement has said that, after being bashed, Morrison was not breathing for “some 50 minutes before ambulance officers resuscitated him” (The Advertiser, 26 September 2016).

The murderous mentality of the prison guards was shown up earlier by their denial of medical treatment for Morrison’s previous injuries. He sustained those injuries when assaulted shortly before his arrest. Furthermore, the information that the South Australian Correctional Services Department initially provided the Aboriginal Legal Rights Movement shows that Morrison did not even receive medical treatment immediately after being bashed by the guards. However, the Department did a U-turn and is now claiming that Morrison was given immediate medical treatment by prison staff – even while admitting that an ambulance was not called straight away. Yet Morrison’s family and the Aboriginal Legal Rights Movement were neither informed of the incident, nor of the fact that Morrison was taken to hospital until some seven to ten hours afterwards. Indeed, the South Australian state officials and Labour premier Jay Weatherill have moved into overdrive mode to whitewash Morrison’s killing. For one, they have claimed that it was Morrison who first attacked guards and that the incident was a “violent altercation,” as if the clash between a single inmate and five guards is some kind of even fight. Meanwhile, the ALP’s Weatherill and the Murdoch media in particular have sought to demonise Morrison as a “dangerous” man in order to lessen community anger over his killing. Yet Morrison had never been in custody previously and those who know him describe him as a much loved fisherman and community man who liked to paint and weave and who loved playing the guitar. He was just 29 years-old when killed and the father of a young daughter.

These are the recent cases that are most well-known of Aboriginal people being murdered by Australian authorities or otherwise killed due to the criminal neglect of cops or prison guards. How many other similar deaths have occurred recently that are less known? How many other killings have been so well covered up that the perpetrators have gotten away with ensuring that the incidents escape the public eye? Unfortunately, we can expect that there are likely several such cases.

Increasing state violence against Aboriginal people is fuelled by government policies that attack Aboriginal people and those receiving low incomes. Such policies include the continuation of the racist Northern Territory Intervention, the extension of compulsory “income management” to other areas of the country and the introduction of ever more draconian measures restricting the rights of those receiving unemployment benefits. These policies help generate within society disgusting stereotypes that Aboriginal people and the poor are somehow inferior citizens in need of special measures to keep them in line. Such racist sentiments and hostility to the poor are then naturally reflected in the behaviour of cops and prison guards. However, the outlook of police, prison guards, prosecutors and judges does not simply reflect the average of ideas and attitudes prevalent within society. Rather, these repressive personnel of the state take on in an especially concentrated form the most racist and anti-working class attitudes. This flows naturally from the role of these authorities. They are the henchmen of the ruling class who enforce the dispossession of the dispossessed, they are the direct implementers of racist and anti-poor government policies and they are the state officials who punish those who lash out when ground down by these policies.

Racist behaviour of state officials against Aboriginal people is further inflamed by ruling class attacks on other people of colour. Draconian anti-terror laws targeting Muslims, brutal repression against asylum seekers and racist politicians’ speeches and media slanders against Muslims, Chinese, refugees and guest workers fuel the flames of white supremacist ideology amongst police, prison guards, prosecutors and judges. Such raging white supremacist sentiments – whether conscious and open or hidden within paternalistic standpoints – inevitably end up scorching Aboriginal people too regardless of which ethnic community was directly targeted when these attitudes were first incited. Similarly, racist state attacks on Aboriginal people end up also rebounding against the most oppressed of other non-white coloured communities. The abuse and even torture of Aboriginal prisoners by cops and prison guards is mirrored in the bashing and abuse of refugees and migrants by detention centre guards in Manus Island, Nauru, Christmas Island and the likes of southwestern Sydney’s Villawood detention centre.

All this racist violence being unleashed by cops, prison guards and detention centre guards against Aboriginal people and refugees is encouraging bigoted rednecks and organised fascists to commit their own racist terror attacks. In late August, a 55 year-old white man murdered a 14-year-old Aboriginal youth, Elijah Doughty, by deliberately driving his ute into the boy. This chilling murder in Boulder, just south of the Western Australia town of Kalgoorlie, was preceded by extreme racists making violent threats on social media against Aboriginal youth in the area. Then in late October, an extreme right-wing terrorist of white Anglo-Saxon appearance, Anthony O’Donohue, murdered Indian-origin bus driver, Manmeet Alisher, by barbarically setting him alight with a fire bomb while Manmeet was busy at work driving a bus in suburban Brisbane.

Do Not Trust Any Inquiries or Commissions Under the Patronage of the Racist, Rich People’s Australian State

The intensifying oppression of Aboriginal people has driven a new layer of Aboriginal people into political activism. Some of these determined new activists are relatives or close friends of people who have been killed or tortured in custody at the hands of the state authorities. Many of these young black activists are knowledgeable about international issues and see the need for solidarity with other oppressed groups in society – like refugees. They are also militant in their political perspective. At the 11 October 2016 Sydney march against the war on Aboriginal children, which was led by young black activists, protesters showed a healthy distrust of the Royal Commission into Northern Territory’s Youth Detention System. Demonstrators chanted, “Justice for Children – Not Royal Commission!” Meanwhile, those addressing the rally, including Dylan Voller’s mother, Joanne Voller, spoke dubiously of the Royal Commission and stressed that commissions, inquiries and reports in the past had failed to produce anything good. Very true!

Most notably, the Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody which released its final report in 1991 was a complete whitewash. That Royal Commission investigated 99 Aboriginal deaths and out of it there was not a single charge – or even disciplinary action – recommended against a police officer or prison guard. This was despite the fact that in many of the deaths – including those of Eddie Murray, John Pat, Lloyd Boney and David Gundy to name but a few – it was obvious to all who studied the cases without prejudice that those who died had been simply murdered by police or prison guards. However, that Royal Commission outrageously concluded that, “… Commissioners did not find that the deaths were the product of deliberate violence or brutality by police or prison officers.” Instead, the Royal Commission disgustingly blamed “the very high level of alcohol use by most of those who died in custody,” even while its own findings showed that less than 10% of the cases investigated were caused by substance or drug misuse. This Royal Commission did admit that 23 of the deaths came from “external trauma” (including four by gunshot) – of which only six it claimed were self-inflicted or by accident, two inflicted by other prisoners and two by civilians outside of custody. Even if one believes the deceitful Royal Commission’s analysis, this leaves another 13 deaths by “external trauma” that could only have been caused by cops or prison guards. The Royal Commission tried to minimise this truth by reporting seven of those deaths as being of “unknown” cause and one – the murdering bashing to death of John Pat in Roeburne, WA by redneck cops – as the result of a “fight” with police officers in a street outside a hotel. It did, however, concede that five of the deaths were the result of actions by cops or prison guards. Clearly these deaths have got nothing to do with alcohol use by the victims! In these cases, even the biased Royal Commission is admitting that it was the actions of cops or prison guards that caused the deaths. And still that Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody insisted on recommending no charges against the cops and prison guards responsible!

As much as it whitewashed these killings from “external trauma,” the 1989-1991 Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody also whitewashed the deaths by hanging. It incredibly claimed that of the 30 Aboriginal deaths in custody by hanging that it investigated, all were suicides (http://www.austlii.edu.au/au/other/IndigLRes/rciadic/national/vol1/67.html). To see what an outrageous lie this is, consider this: the Royal Commission itself found that 22 of the hangings occurred in police rather than prison custody and that “the substantial majority of the hangings occurred within two hours of entering into custody, or even less” (http://www.austlii.edu.au/au/other/IndigLRes/rciadic/national/vol1/61.html)
So, they want people to believe that 22 Aboriginal people had the desire, means and lack of supervision to kill themselves in separate incidents in police cells less than two hours after being detained!

The 1989-1991 Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody did make 339 recommendations, some of which if implemented would reduce deaths in custody by lowering the rate of Aboriginal imprisonment. However, the better recommendations were in good part not implemented. Furthermore, the main effect of the Royal Commission were not its recommendations but the fact that it whitewashed the murders of Aboriginal people in custody by cops and prison guards. This has given a green light to state forces to commit yet more racist terror against Aboriginal people. In the 25 year period since the Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody, 340 indigenous people have died in state custody (https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2016/apr/15/aboriginal-deaths-in-custody-25-years-on-the-vicious-cycle-remains). That means that the rate of deaths of Aboriginal people in custody has been on average 30% higher since the Royal Commission than in the nine and a half year period that the Royal Commission investigated.

In the lead up to the 1989-1991 Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody, many Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal activists opposed to state brutality sincerely hoped that the inquiry would lead to the prosecution of murdering cops and prison guards and a reduction in deaths in custody. That, today, many families of victims of state terror and many young activists against racist violence show little confidence in the Royal Commission into Northern Territory’s Youth Detention System indicates that the movement has learnt – at least partially – from past disappointments. Crucially, the fewer illusions that opponents of racist terror have that justice will come through the Royal Commission, the more willing they will be to mobilise in action against racist murder and torture in custody. That fewer such illusions exist than did 25 years ago is a promising sign for the movement. However, for this promise to be fully realised and a movement built that relies entirely on the power of the masses and is strong enough to force the racist rulers into concessions, activists must be won to the understanding that no trust should be given not only to this particular Royal Commission but to any Royal Commission – even one with better sounding terms of reference and with more credible commissioners – and that no confidence can, indeed, be placed in any inquiry conducted under the auspices –  and/or with the financing – of the current Australian state machine. No trust should be given to any inquiry conducted by the Australian state – no matter how “independent” in form it claims to be – because it will simply be one organ of the state investigating other organs of the same state, that is the police and prisons. The judiciary, police, prisons and commissions are all organs of the same brutal beast and, surely, one cannot expect a beast to use its arms to injure its own heart.

In Australia, the beast that the legal and physical repressive organs belong to is the capitalist state – a body that was conceived, fed and trained to be the enforcer of the interests of the ultra-rich, capitalist class. This body inevitably acts against the interests of Aboriginal people because the economic interests of the greedy big business owning class lies in perpetuating the intense subjugation of Aboriginal people. This is the case for three related reasons. Firstly, for Australia’s mining, pastoral and other big landowning capitalists (and, as we see with mining magnate Gina Rinehart’s recent purchase of Australia’s biggest cattle station, these are often one and the same people) to continue to reap fabulous profits, the Australian state must brutally oppress Aboriginal people to the point that Australia’s first peoples will be so impoverished, so shackled by the claws of the “justice” system and so demoralised that they will be unable to challenge their dispossession from the land that they once occupied or even win a decent share of the wealth derived from it. Secondly, and just as importantly, crushing Aboriginal people helps the white capitalist rulers to deceive the non-Aboriginal masses into feeling that they are part of the “chosen people” and the “in-crowd” because at least they live in a better condition than Aboriginal people. This enables the capitalist rulers to obscure white working class people from the truth that they too are exploited by the greedy capitalists and thus obstructs the non-Aboriginal masses from joining with their Aboriginal sisters and brothers in a united struggle against their common capitalist oppressors. Thirdly, by vilifying Aboriginal people and disgustingly portraying Australia’s subjugated first peoples as “freeloaders” with a high propensity to commit crimes, the exploiting class seeks to divert the anger of the white masses at all the social evils created by the ruling class’ own decrepit system – like under-resourced public health care, public education and social services – away from the ruling class itself, who are the people actually responsible for this situation, and onto Aboriginal people as well as other convenient though utterly undeserving scapegoats such as refugees and migrant workers. This is why the capitalist ruling class and all the organs of its state will never be allies in the Aboriginal people’s struggle for justice. Indeed – they are this struggle’s very enemy!

It is true that the capitalist rulers could, theoretically, completely oppress Aboriginal people without their state forces murdering and torturing Aboriginal people to the extreme extent that they currently do. However, in order for their hired enforcers to physically keep down the working class masses and subjugate Aboriginal people to the degree that the capitalist bigwigs need them to do, the ruling class must ideologically school these cops and prison guards in such contempt for the poor and such a white supremacist outlook that they inevitably commit acts of racist terror of even greater severity than some of their capitalist masters may require. However, this does not mean that the capitalist rulers have any desire to reign in their hired thugs. Far from it! These ultra-rich capitalists are only interested in maximising profits. That means, for starters, they simply cannot be bothered to put any effort into restricting even the most extreme of the cruelty of their state forces. More importantly, the capitalist exploiters do not want to risk losing the absolute loyalty of the henchmen who enforce their rule by reigning in even some of their worst excesses. Furthermore, some key sections of the Australian capitalist class actually share the desire for Aboriginal genocide of the most rabid rednecks of the cops and prison guards. Dead mining magnate Lang Hancock – from whom his daughter Gina Rinehart inherited her massive wealth – infamously proposed that: “no-good half-castes” should collect their welfare checks from a centralized location, adding that “when they had gravitated there, I would dope the water up so that they were sterile and would breed themselves out in the future” (http://aso.gov.au/titles/documentaries/couldnt-be-fairer/clip2/). Hancock’s daughter, Gina Rinehart, who is one of Australia’s richest and most influential capitalists – with strong links in particular to the Cory Bernardi/Tony Abbott/Eric Abetz extreme right-wing of the Liberal party and to the National’s leader and deputy PM Barnaby Joyce – no doubt shares these same genocidal views. Rinehart is a rabid supporter of extreme racist U.S. president-elect Donald Trump and in her recent book rails against any regulations that restrict corporations from disturbing Aboriginal heritage sites. We need to put the Rineharts, the Andrew Forrests, the Packers, Murdochs and all of their ilk out of business for good by sweeping away capitalist rule in a socialist revolution. That is what it will ultimately take to emancipate Aboriginal people from the worsening horrors that they are facing today, to liberate the working class from job insecurity, bullying bosses and deteriorating social services, to free women from the daily subjugation that the capitalist system engenders and to liberate all other downtrodden groups. A new, working class state power based on elected councils of workers, Aboriginal people and representatives of all the other currently oppressed sections of society would literally turn Australian society upside down. It would lay the basis for a future classless, truly egalitarian, communist society.

Mobilise Working Class Power Behind the Struggle Against Racist State Terror

Just as it is in the interests of the capitalist exploiting class to perpetuate the subjugation of Aboriginal people it is in the interests of the working class of all colours to support Aboriginal people’s struggle for justice. The same capitalist ruling class that brutally oppresses Aboriginal people is the one that steals the fruits of workers’ labour. It is true that most white workers are relatively privileged in comparison to most Aboriginal people and they do not face the intense racist oppression that black people in Australia are subjected to. However, overall, white workers are still part of the downtrodden mass of society as they form part of the class whose labour is exploited by the ruling class. The same Australian police, courts and prisons who, in a most extreme way, discriminate against, torture and kill Aboriginal people are also the ones that violently attack workers’ picket lines and persecute militant trade unionists. This is all too evident in the recent spate of prosecutions of CFMEU construction worker union activists. That is why the organised workers movement must stand with Aboriginal people in a united struggle against state violence targeting Aboriginal people, the working class, refugees and all the downtrodden. Furthermore, only by standing with Aboriginal people, refugees and embattled coloured “ethnic” communities can the working class defeat the capitalist ruling class’ efforts to divide the exploited masses with racism and thus allow the working class to build the unity it needs to fight for its rights and those of all the oppressed.

There have been some encouraging signs that sections of the workers movement are – to some extent – joining the fight to defend Aboriginal people against racist brutality. At today’s Sydney rally demanding justice for the murder in custody victim, David Dungay, there was a contingent of Maritime Workers Union of Australia (MUA) members. Trade union mobilisation in support of Aboriginal people’s struggle is not only helpful but is vitally necessary. Since it is in the interests of the ruling exploiting class to reinforce the racist oppression of Aboriginal people, no amount of appeals to their sense of justice and no amount of clever legal manoeuvres are going to make this ruthless class ameliorate the suffering that they are causing Aboriginal people. The only thing that can make this ruling class back down is an opposing power: power that can harm their interests or at least threaten to harm their interests. The organised workers movement has the power to do such harm. Since it is workers’ labour that is the source of the tremendous wealth of the capitalist ruling class, when our trade unions threaten to withdraw their labour through industrial action, the capitalist bosses become scared and panicky. Thus, trade union action against racist state violence, or even the threat of it, can force the capitalist bigwigs – fearful of a huge blow to their profits – to reign in their henchmen in the government, police and prisons.

An example of the kind of the power that the workers movement can bring to the struggle for Aboriginal rights was seen in the campaign in defence of Palm Island Aboriginal hero Lex Wotton. Wotton was the leader of the hundreds strong, November 2004 uprising by the Palm Island community in response to the horrific police murder of Aboriginal man, Mulrunji Doomadgee, and the subsequent state whitewash of this murder. After being arrested following the heroic November 2004 resistance struggle, Wotton was charged and faced the prospect of more than a dozen years in prison. However, as part of a series of demonstrations in support of Lex Wotton on the day he was being sentenced by a Townsville Court on 7 November 2008, Sydney MUA port workers ostentatiously took industrial action in defence of Lex. They stopped work for a brief period during the middle of the sentencing hearing after announcing their intention to do so at the start of the day. Although this action was not powerful enough to stop Lex being jailed, the burgeoning movement and the MUA stopwork compelled the authorities to give Lex Wotton a notably lighter sentence than the ten years plus sentence that they had been planning. As a postscript, it should be noted that since Lex Wotton has completed his sentence he has continued to speak out strongly for Aboriginal rights and – despite attempts to entice him to “semi-apologise” for his actions – he has, completely correctly, insisted that his actions were 100% justified. With Lex Wotton standing strong, earlier this month he partially won a lawsuit against the Queensland government and police over their racist response to both the murder of Mulrunji and the Aboriginal resistance struggle that followed it. Wotton and family members were awarded $220,000 in damages in the class action that they launched on behalf of the Palm Island community. Such an outcome would have been impossible through mere testimony and court litigation alone. Rather, the partial victory was a testament to the ongoing political impact of, in the first place, the heroic Palm Island resistance struggle led by Lex and, secondly, of the subsequent Aboriginal/trade union/leftist campaign in defence of him. The authorities feared that making their usual racist and unfair verdict on this class action case could have re-ignited militant opposition to their racist actions, further built support for a man who proudly continues to stand 100% behind the militant struggle that he led and potentially pushed the trade union movement into renewing its participation in this fight for justice.

The trade union industrial action that was taken in defence of Lex Wotton must become the norm rather than the exception. But how to make it so? It is helpful to look back briefly on the campaign in defence of Lex to see how the movement built up towards this action. The active struggle to defend Lex Wotton and the other arrested Palm Islanders from the November 2004 uprising began with a demonstration in Sydney in Redfern’s The Block on 8 July 2005. That rally demanded the dropping of all charges against the Palm Island defendants and the freeing of all those jailed following the February 2004 Redfern resistance struggle that responded to the horrific police murder of 17 year-old Aboriginal youth, TJ Hickey. This July 2005 demonstration, which Lex Wotton was present at, was initiated by staunch, Sydney-based Aboriginal activist Jenny Munro, Townsville-based Aboriginal activist Gracelyn Smallwood and Trotskyist Platform and drew in Aboriginal people – including some of the heroes who participated in the February 2004 Redfern resistance struggle – trade unionists and leftists. Following on from this rally, those involved in organising it built more similar actions and the movement also spread to Melbourne where the ISJA – Melbourne Supporters Group actively built the solidarity campaign. A crucial effect of these rallies is that they energised the individual trade unionists who participated in them and popularised the struggle in defence of Lex Wotton amongst the most class conscious workers who heard about these demonstrations – including activists within the Sydney Branch of the MUA and others with links to the MUA. Shortly after a 150 strong rally in solidarity with Lex Wotton on 22 September 2007 in Redfern, the Sydney branch of the MUA contacted organisers of the rally announcing that they were throwing their weight behind the campaign. The MUA gave their endorsement to the demand for the dropping of all charges against Lex Wotton as well as material support to the campaign. This included producing, “Proud to be Union – Proud to Support Lex Wotton” badges designed by activists involved with the campaign from the start. Later, the MUA organised a charter bus to take supporters from Sydney to Brisbane to join solidarity actions during Lex’s trial in Brisbane in October 2008. From there, the Sydney Branch of the MUA’s support leapt to carrying out the crucial industrial action on 7 November 2008.

Key to the Defend Lex Wotton movement ultimately winning the trade union support that was so vital to it was the fact that the Sydney-based campaign never, in its action call outs, made any appeals to any state institution whatsoever to be a vehicle for justice. Instead, the action call outs simply demanded that the enemy drop all charges against Lex Wotton. This was important as it informed opponents of racist state brutality that they must look entirely to the power of the masses to advance the struggle. Furthermore, the movement openly appealed to the class interest that the working class has in defending Lex Wotton and in opposing state oppression of Aboriginal people. Thus, the calls for the rally in the lead up to Lex’s trial emphasised that:

The subjugation of Aboriginal people is an extreme form of the repression that the authorities are also unleashing against trade unionists who stand up for workers’ rights. The ABCC construction industry police are spying on and intimidating CFMEU construction union members and continue to initiate jail-carrying charges against individual union activists.

Of course, by appealing in this way to the class interests of the working class it could have put off the tiny number of small-l liberals who, through some contradiction, were willing to oppose the persecution of Lex Wotton while still being thoroughly loyal to the capitalist establishment that is subjugating Aboriginal people. Yet it is not a handful of small-l liberals but the working class that can be the reliable force that can fight against and ultimately defeat racist state brutality because unlike members of the capitalist class – including their small-l liberal variety – the fight against racist state terror actually coincides with workers’ class interests. Thus, campaign organisers made a choice to appeal to workers’ class interests rather than making the action call outs acceptable to pro-capitalist liberals. And a choice really had to be made! It is not possible to appeal simultaneously to both the working class and small-l liberal members of the capitalist class as their class interests are mutually conflicting. By making this choice to appeal to the working class, the Sydney-based movement in defence of Lex Wotton was able to allow more politically conscious trade union activists to mobilise their fellow union members behind the campaign by explaining how the fight against racist state brutality is, indeed, union work.

Today, the struggle against racist state brutality must again openly appeal to the class interests of the working class in order to lay the basis for badly needed joint trade union/Aboriginal/coloured migrant people’s action against racist oppression. In a promising development, for the recent December 10 “International Human Rights Day” march in Sydney which focussed on opposition to the torture and killing of Aboriginal people in custody, the action call out stated opposition to not only the persecution of other marginalised peoples – including Muslims and refugees – but also insisted that the same Australian government committing brutal abuses against Aboriginal people is “trying to criminalise trade union activism in the building industry and beyond.” In this way the struggle to defend Aboriginal people against racist state oppression was united in common action with the demands of the working class and other oppressed groups. The large demonstration was addressed by Aboriginal activists, a representative of the MUA and speakers representing refugees and other downtrodden peoples.

How to Turn Our Unions into Uncompromising Supporters of the
Struggle Against Racist Brutality

The ability to mobilise trade union power in defence of Aboriginal people depends not just on the strategy of the anti-racist movement but also on the political struggles within the workers movement itself. Some of the best, most politically conscious trade unionists do understand the need to stand by Aboriginal people’s fight for justice. However, trade union solidarity action is currently held back by the union movement’s ties to the ALP and by its present, losing, strategy of trying to make capitalist rule less oppressive to the masses through electing “progressive” ALP governments to administer the capitalist state. Thus, even when the most politically aware unionists want to take a stand against racist state brutality they are held back by a fear that going too far would put them smack bang against ALP policy or otherwise harm the prospects of the ALP winning/retaining office. As part of this outlook that accepts, rather than opposes, capitalist state power, the union movement chooses to incorporate within its ranks the hired henchmen of the capitalist ruling class: cops and prison guards. In NSW, for example, the so-called “union” representing cops, the Police Association of NSW, is allowed to be part of both the Unions NSW federation of trade unions and the peak national union organisation, the ACTU. Prison guards, meanwhile, are part of the Public Service Association of NSW, a union that while including prison guards mostly consists of legitimate workers like support staff in schools and TAFE and road and traffic workers. The presence of cops and prison guards – the brutal enforcers of capitalist interests – in our unions both corrupts our unions and undermines any struggle to mobilise them against state terror. Imagine trying to promote a cross-union action against racist state violence when representatives of the cops and prison guards – the very people the action is aimed against – are in the very meeting where the prospective action is being considered! Of course, having representatives of the cops, who would try to herd scabs through union picket lines, or the prison guards, who would keep militant trade unionists imprisoned, at a union meeting harms union organising for workers’ economic struggles too.

There is also the most obvious problem that we face in trying to mobilise trade union action against racist brutality. That is the reality that even though it is in the working class’ very interests to stand by oppressed Aboriginal people, many workers – though certainly not all – themselves imbibe backward racist ideas to varying degrees. Workers, like other classes, are influenced by the racist mainstream media, by the divisive speeches of ruling class politicians and by the racist nature of the capitalist Australian society that they inhabit. Furthermore, current union leaders end up reinforcing White Australian chauvinist consciousness within the workers movement through pushing divisive calls to favour local workers over overseas workers in hiring and to deter imports of overseas produced goods. Such protectionist “Aussie workers first” slogans are promoted by even the most left-wing union leaders – including those who have done most to mobilise their members in support of Aboriginal rights struggles. Although the immediate targets of such protectionist demands are overseas and guest workers rather than Aboriginal people, these demands necessarily breed White Australia nationalist consciousness – sentiments that inevitably lead to hostility, or at best indifference, toward Aboriginal people’s plight. There urgently needs to be a political struggle within our unions to replace this protectionist perspective with a strategy that unites local and overseas workers in a common fight for their rights. We also need to remove from our unions all cops, prison guards and prosecutors. This would occur as part of a struggle to turn our unions away from the ALP and its bankrupt program for a more humane-run capitalism and onto a path that is guided by the understanding that only the power of the united working class and all of the oppressed can be relied on to win gains for the toilers and downtrodden. All this is needed not only to build trade union action against racist terror but to unleash union power to defend workers’ immediate economic interests as well. For example, to powerfully wage strikes to fight for jobs for all workers we need a working class united by internationalist ideology, not one divided by protectionism. That is why the struggle to build the leadership and political perspective that can turn our unions into the force needed to effectively fight for their own members’ interests is one and the same fight as the struggle to win our unions to the perspective of mass action against racist brutality. It is the struggle to infuse our unions with a revolutionary, internationalist program: a program of militant class struggle guided by the understanding that the capitalist state, no matter who is administering it, is the enemy of workers and all the oppressed. A union leadership fighting on such a class struggle program would be linked to a revolutionary socialist party that unites the working class with all the other oppressed sections of society.

We need to work extremely hard to turn our unions into revolutionary-minded organisations that will support the cause of Aboriginal people and all the downtrodden. Racist oppression of Aboriginal people is getting more and more terrifying every day. Families of murder in custody victims and the talented and tenacious young Aboriginal activists coming to the fore need the power of the union movement behind their struggles. When our unions join this battle, they will find that Aboriginal peoples’ determination and healthy distrust of the racist, rich peoples’ state will, in turn, rub off onto union activists. This can only advance the badly needed transformation of our unions into instruments of militant class struggle. A transformation that is vital not only for unleashing union power in defence of Aboriginal people and refugees but is essential for making our unions capable of turning back the tide of attacks that the entire working class is facing today.

Redfern Aboriginal Tent Embassy Stood Strong and Made Gains

Above: Activists establish the Redfern Aboriginal Tent Embassy on its first day, 26 May 2014. At the front of the Bottom Left photo is embassy founder, Jenny Munro.

7 September 2015: There was a feeling of satisfaction amongst activists of the Redfern Aboriginal Tent Embassy (RATE) as activists packed up the protest camp over the last few days. The RATE struggle had made headway in securing affordable housing for Aboriginal people in Redfern’s historic Block area. After over fifteen months of hard struggle, RATE has won an agreement whereby 62 new houses will be built on the Block to provide accommodation at low cost to Aboriginal people. Prior to the RATE struggle, it was apparent that not only would the provision of affordable housing on the Block be delayed but it would likely not be provided at all. The Aboriginal Housing Company (AHC) had removed the last of the Aboriginal residents living on The Block four years ago with the promise that they would be able to come back into affordable accommodation in newly built houses. However, by early last year it was confirmed what Aboriginal people in Redfern had long suspected: the 62 affordable housing dwellings that the AHC had promised to build as part of its Pemulwuy project were to become – at best – an afterthought to its plan for the area to be turned by the developer Deicorp into shops, office space and higher-end commercial housing for students.

RATE was established on 26 May 2014 by Aboriginal women and supporters with its central demand that affordable housing for Aboriginal people on The Block be built prior to any commercial development. Amongst those who set up the Embassy were Aboriginal former Block residents. RATE then quickly inspired support from Aboriginal people and other anti-racist activists angry about not only the lack of affordable housing for Aboriginal people but also the brutal oppression Aboriginal people continued to face in all aspects of their lives from racist police violence to the forced closure of remote Aboriginal communities. Aboriginal activists from Gamilaraay country in northern NSW and from far away as Queensland and Western Australia came to do stints camping at RATE while RATE was flooded with statements of solidarity from far flung places. In September last year, the morale of RATE supporters was greatly lifted by a visit to the camp by Palm Island, Aboriginal resistance hero Lex Wotton – the leader of the November 2004 uprising on that island that courageously responded to the racist police killing of Aboriginal man Mulrunji Doomadgee and the subsequent police whitewash of the murder. Those involved in overseas indigenous rights struggles from places as far away as Hawaii also visited RATE to offer their support.

On a few of the days when RATE was facing threatened eviction, dozens of students from nearby Sydney University went down to RATE in solidarity. They showed that they refused to be part of plans to turn The Block into accommodation for Sydney University students when that was being done at the expense of affordable housing for Aboriginal people. Especially crucial was the solidarity given to RATE from trade unions. From the early days of RATE, the CFMEU construction union helped with logistics such as providing RATE with a porta-loo. On the first anniversary of RATE on May 26 this year, dozens of MUA members marched down to the RATE site. As they waved union flags they expressed their determination to stand by RATE and support its demands. A joint meeting that day of RATE activists and MUA unionists stated:

Trade unionists and supporters of the Redfern Tent Embassy (RATE) gathered here on May 26 to express our ongoing solidarity with the action being taken by the Redfern Aboriginal Tent Embassy in occupying Aboriginal land at the Block in Redfern to stop a commercial property development planned by Deicorp and the Aboriginal Housing Company.

Aboriginal housing is desperately needed and should be built before any commercial development is allowed to progress.

Many long-term Aboriginal residents of Redfern/Waterloo are currently living in overcrowded, unsuitable state housing, or are homeless, while Aboriginal land is being taken over for commercial development.

Both the Commonwealth and state governments are refusing to release public funds for any Aboriginal-controlled community housing projects anywhere in Australia. This discriminatory policy has to end. Public funding must be allocated immediately for Aboriginal community housing for the Block and across the country.

We call on trade unions, and Unions NSW, to pass similar resolutions and take political and practical steps to ensure that the proposed development does not proceed before the housing demands are met.

26 May 2015: The Maritime Union of Australia rally at The Block to support the Redfern Aboriginal Tent Embassy on its first anniversary. Although the level of support from the union movement as a whole was modest compared to what it should have been, the support that did come from the powerful trade union movement played a role in assisting RATE to win the gains that it did.
26 May 2015: The Maritime Union of Australia rally at The Block to support the Redfern Aboriginal Tent Embassy on its first anniversary. Although the level of support from the union movement as a whole was modest compared to what it should have been, the support that did come from the powerful trade union movement played a role in assisting RATE to win the gains that it did.

By the last weeks of the RATE struggle, the flags of around a dozen different trade unions were flying on the RATE site showing solidarity with the Aboriginal struggle from the organised workers movement.

The strategy of RATE was powerful yet beautifully simple. By camping on the very site that the commercial development on The Block was to take place, RATE ensured that no such development could take place unless either the AHC/developers/government came to an agreement with RATE or the police unleashed violence to forcibly remove RATE. Seeing how RATE activists had refused to be deterred by either severe storms blowing down tents or by police repression or attacks by thugs and, importantly, seeing the statements of solidarity for RATE from trade unions, the government/AHC/developers calculated that they had no choice but to negotiate a settlement with RATE. After steadfastly refusing to provide any support for the development of affordable housing on The Block, the federal Liberal government reluctantly stepped in at the end to provide a $5 million grant as well as organising for a larger bank loan to fund the affordable housing. The deal done between the AHC, the federal government and RATE commits the AHC to building the affordable housing either before or simultaneously with the commercial development. Thus, if the deal is honoured, the core demand of RATE would have been achieved. The Aboriginal activists who led RATE have emphasised the need to be vigilant in order to ensure that the deal is adhered to and that no excuses are made to delay the building of the affordable housing. Furthermore, activists will need to ensure that the AHC does not knock back the Aboriginal people most in need of access to affordable housing in order to have the housing occupied by more affluent Aboriginal people who the AHC knows will be more “acceptable” to the future upper-middle class occupants of the commercial retail and residential development.

27 August 2015: Key Aboriginal activists spearheading RATE confident as the struggle heads towards securing gains for affordable housing for Aboriginal people.
27 August 2015: Key Aboriginal activists spearheading RATE confident as the struggle heads towards securing gains for affordable housing for Aboriginal people.

Of course, given the level of homelessness that Aboriginal people in inner-city Sydney suffer and the extreme level of racist discrimination that Aboriginal people face when trying to rent privately, there is a need for much more than 62 affordable dwellings on The Block. Ideally the entire re-development of The Block should be to provide low rent public housing for Aboriginal people and associated services. Such a re-development would also have better ensured that The Block was retained as a social and political centre for Aboriginal people. However, the fact is that what will likely now be built on The Block as a result of the RATE struggle is a lot better than what was on the cards prior to this struggle.

A Decades Long War on Aboriginal Housing on The Block by Greedy Developers and Racist Governments

Aboriginal people have been living on The Block in low-rent housing since the early 1970s. This affordable housing had been won through a struggle by Aboriginal militants and the militant Builders Labourers Federation trade union. That struggle which triumphed in early 1973 forced the then Whitlam Labor federal government to provide a grant for Aboriginal people to collectively buy up the area. The Aboriginal housing in the area came to be managed by the Aboriginal Housing Company (AHC) which was established by the activists who fought for The Block for the sole purpose of providing comfortable and happy low-rent accommodation for Aboriginal people. Despite facing much racist discrimination – including from banks reluctant to do dealings with an Aboriginal organisation – the AHC’s work in its early days ensured that low-rent accommodation came to be provided for up to 300 Aboriginal people on The Block.

However, like most economic or social organisations – whether black, white, “ethnic” or multiracial – that exist in capitalist Australia without a clear anti-capitalist perspective, the AHC became more and more subordinated to the agendas of powerful economic interests. Specifically, the AHC ended up speaking not for the interests of low-income Aboriginal tenants – as it was originally constructed to do – but became a vehicle for the schemes of wealthy capitalist developers and their mates in government. In the eyes of these developers, The Block was prime inner-city real estate which could be turned into a lot of money. And they were determined to lay their grubby hands on it! They wanted to gain access to the land so that they could eject low-income Aboriginal tenants and build high-end commercial housing and shops that would sell for big bucks. Successive NSW state governments, which like all governments in capitalist Australia serve the interest of the corporate exploiting class, have been happy to sing along to the tune of these greedy developers.

Racist governments had an additional motive for wanting to dilute the Aboriginal character of The Block. The Block came to be not only a centre of Aboriginal culture and a meeting place for Aboriginal people from all over Australia but also a centre of Aboriginal political resistance against racist oppression. Over the years, many rallies for Aboriginal land rights and against racist police violence started, finished or passed through The Block. In February 2004, The Block and nearby Lawson Street saw hundreds of Aboriginal youth courageously hold their ground in a nine-hour pitched battle with racist cops. The youth were 100% justifiably responding to provocations by Redfern police who clamped down on the community after racist cops had murdered 17 year-old Aboriginal youth TJ Hickey. Earlier, in May 1981 and then seven months later, 200 Aboriginal people responded to incessant racist police harassment by barricading Eveleigh Street on The Block and bravely responding to the marauding police by throwing projectiles back at them. There have also been numerous smaller versions of such heroic acts of resistance to racist police violence on The Block.

The developers and government’s agenda was greatly facilitated by the AHC’s journey away from its founding spirit as a community organisation set up by militant black activists. One indication of just how far the AHC has travelled was seen in the way that AHC CEO Mick Mundine held a joint press conference with Redfern top cop Luke Freudenstein in February last year to express his support to Redfern police in their condemnation of a large protest march demanding justice for TJ Hickey on the tenth anniversary of TJ’s killing by racist cops.

1967: Aboriginal activists from the Gurundji stockmen and domestic hands’ strike together with Builders Labourers Federation (BLF) members at a meeting to support the Gurundji struggle for land rights. The leftist-led BLF trade union would later play a key role in the Aboriginal struggle for affordable housing on Redfern’s The Block. The workers’ movement must stand solidly behind the struggle for justice of Aboriginal people.
1967: Aboriginal activists from the Gurundji stockmen and domestic hands’ strike together with Builders Labourers Federation (BLF) members at a meeting to support the Gurundji struggle for land rights. The leftist-led BLF trade union would later play a key role in the Aboriginal struggle for affordable housing on Redfern’s The Block. The workers’ movement must stand solidly behind the struggle for justice of Aboriginal people.

The AHC’s drift away from its original purpose of serving low-income Aboriginal tenants was the result of the confluence of several currents. One force pushing the AHC away from its stated purpose was simply the pressure of the capitalist “free market.” As an entity that had no stable source of external funding and was meant to operate within the confines of “market principles,” the AHC, as a body without a clear anti-capitalist agenda, inevitably became easy game for whoever had the market power to either promise to deliver housing construction and maintenance at a lower price or on the other hand promised, in exchange for land use rights for commercial development, big money that could be used to subsidise its housing program. In this way, the AHC became associated with and dependent on wealthy capitalist corporations who began to use that influence to set more and more of the AHC’s agenda. Prominent on the AHC’s own website’s list of “Partners” is not only the developer Deicorp but Westpac Bank and the South Sydney Business Chamber. Then there was developers and governments directly influencing the AHC leaders through financial enticements. Some in the Aboriginal community have long suspected this has involved outright bribery of AHC leaders. To be sure, that would hardly be just a problem with the AHC – just look at successive NSW state governments! From developers handing over tens of thousands of dollars in cash to politicians in brown paper bags to business bosses bribing the former premier with an expensive “gift,” the last few years have revealed just a small fraction of the massive corruption that the leaders of this state wallow in. Yet just as the big business bosses can control politicians with more “legal” forms of enticements – like large donations to the respective political parties and invitations to sit in corporate boxes at sporting events – so too can greedy developers and their government cronies bring an organisation like the AHC under its control through more subtle but even more insidious means of buying influence.  This could include offering AHC leaders invitations to fancy business/government lunches and functions and seducing AHC leaders into making them feel that they are part of elite circles by allowing them to participate in government/corporate policy discussion sessions.

As the AHC bent to the pressures of the capitalist “free market” and came under the increasing influence of rich corporations and the state government, staunch Aboriginal activists and grassroots tenants who objected to all this were increasingly purged from the organisation and its leadership. This in turn further accelerated the AHC’s path away from its original purpose.

When the pressure of “market imperatives” and corrupting influences was not enough to bring the AHC completely into the developers’/government’s fold, the NSW state government unleashed its “legal” muscle to bring the AHC to heel. Thus, even long after the AHC had sold out its founding principles, the NSW government at first refused to give the AHC planning approval for its Pemulwuy project. The government insisted that there be even less affordable housing for Aboriginal people in a re-developed Block than the AHC had proposed. Indeed, even as Aboriginal people were being squeezed out of The Block, the 1995-2011 NSW ALP government refused, for a whole decade, to give the rebuilding of affordable homes for Aboriginal people planning approval until the AHC agreed to give further priority to the commercial aspects of the Pemulwuy project. To resist such bullying from the government would have taken a campaign of mass protest action. The AHC did very briefly flirt with a diluted version of this idea and even organised a hundreds strong protest rally in Redfern in August 2006 in support of affordable housing for Aboriginal people on The Block. Yet already by then the AHC had strayed way too far into the camp of the enemies of Aboriginal people’s rights to honestly want to sustain such a campaign. What is more, the AHC had by then lost any real credibility with the grass roots Aboriginal people needed to wage such a campaign anyway.

As far back as twenty years ago, the AHC first started in effect implementing the developers’ and government’s plan to drive Aboriginal tenants off The Block. In the mid-1990s, Block residents were enraged when they confirmed that the AHC had drawn up plans to actually abolish all affordable housing for Aboriginal people on The Block and, instead, planned to turn most of the area into commercial office space. Although they later modified this plan, the AHC had already started creating facts on the ground by neglecting repairs on houses so much that tenants could not tolerate it anymore and started leaving The Block “voluntarily”.

Police stampeding around Redfern’s The Block. The Aboriginal community on The Block faced decades of violent police raids and racist bullying.
Police stampeding around Redfern’s The Block. The Aboriginal community on The Block faced decades of violent police raids and racist bullying.

Meanwhile, police attacks on Aboriginal people in Redfern assisted the ruling class agenda of driving Aboriginal tenants off The Block. This police violence was not solely about kicking low-income people off from prime real estate. It was also motivated by pure racism – by the racist culture that permeates the police force and which, in turn, arises naturally from the police’s role as the enforcers of an unequal and discriminatory social order based on the dispossession of this country’s first peoples and the exploitation of labour by wealthy business owners. However, the big end of town’s agenda to push black people off prime inner-city real estate gave the police attacks added impetus. Aside from daily bullying of Aboriginal youth, almost every year saw a large-scale police assault on The Block. One of the most brutal such raids took place on 8 February 1990.9 It was on that day, just before 4am, that some 135 cops led by the heavily armed Tactical Response Group (whose functions today are largely performed by the Public Order and Riot Squad) smashed into several homes on The Block with sledgehammers and iron bars. Residents woke up terrified as they saw these men bearing shotguns break into their homes and point weapons at them.  The police put guns to women’s heads, roughed up residents and abused people. But after all that the police did not charge anyone with a serious offence like a violent crime or even charges of dealing in drugs or weapons. Of the eight charges that they did bring against people, two were for unpaid fines, one was a more than 7 year old warrant for breach of bail, another a warrant for failing to appear at a court nearly six years earlier and another a warrant for a resident allegedly being drunk on a train close to six years earlier!  Additionally, three people were charged with having possession of stolen goods because they could not provide receipts for relatively minor items like a TV, a radio cassette player, an electric shaver and unbelievably a pair of goggles! And for this the local community was terrorised and left traumatised. To put it all into perspective, nearly one and a half times as many police were mobilised to find a couple of allegedly stolen TVs and a pair of goggles on The Block as the 92 police who were put on duty in Cronulla on 11 December 2005 when the police knew full well that the violent, white supremacist riot that subsequently took place there was indeed very likely to happen! Police terror against the Redfern Aboriginal community culminated in the February 2004 killing of 17 year-old TJ Hickey by racist police who rammed his bicycle while he was riding on it and impaled the boy on a steel paling.

The incessant police attacks, the demoralising effect of living in houses where repairs were not being done and the daily discrimination that Aboriginal people faced in employment and every aspect of their lives inevitably led to social problems on The Block. These problems were played up by the capitalist-owned media and seized on by the state government to justify their push to drive Aboriginal tenants out of the area. The combined effect of relentless police attacks, the deterioration of the houses, social problems and the AHC’s push to move tenants off The Block meant that by late 2010 there were just 35 people living on The Block – down from a peak of over 300. To get the last of the tenants to move, the AHC on the one hand threatened higher rents and eviction orders and, on the other hand, promised residents that they would be able to move back once the re-development took place. Residents, however, were sceptical about being able to move back and expected that the 62 new affordable houses would still be way out of their price range. What really enraged former Block residents and supporters of affordable housing for Aboriginal people was when last year AHC CEO, Mick Mundine, claimed that it was not commercially viable to pursue affordable housing on the Block. ‘’That’s on the back burner at the moment,’’ he said. ‘’Our first priority is the commercial build’’ (The Sydney Morning Herald, 26 April 2014). It was this confirmation of the fears of many that led Aboriginal activists to establish RATE.

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From 1972 to 2015: The Struggle for Affordable Housing for Aboriginal People on The Block Continues

1970s: Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal BLF union members working on the construction of affordable housing for Aboriginal people on The Block.
1970s: Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal BLF union members working on the construction of affordable housing for Aboriginal people on The Block.

The enemies of RATE tried everything to defeat the RATE struggle including a series of violent attacks on RATE activists. Family members of a senior AHC employee staged several of these attacks. In one attack last year, at least one of these family members was amongst a group of four men that came to the embassy and assaulted RATE activist, Raymond Munro. Yet when police arrived, it was Raymond Munro and another RATE activist who had come to his defence that the cops arrested and charged with affray. Police only charged two of the actual four attackers. Also last year, another relative of the senior AHC employee invaded the embassy in the dark of night – bearing a piece of wood – and attacked two women including embassy founder Jenny Munro. Enemies of RATE also seemed to have enlisted criminal elements to stage random attacks on RATE activists staffing the embassy or to enter the embassy grounds with the aim of causing fear and disruption. Amongst the most frightening attack was when occupants of a black, flashy four-wheel drive vehicle passed RATE on two separate occasions and hurled flares at the embassy. They aimed to set the tents on fire.

Alongside the attacks by thugs, RATE faced repression from the organs of the capitalist state. The police arrested four key RATE activists during the duration of the struggle – outrageously all resulting from incidents where violent intruders and provocateurs had invaded the embassy grounds. The arrested RATE activists were then set bail conditions banning them from the vicinity of The Block, thus laying bare the police strategy – to strip RATE of its key activists. Amongst those whom the police arrested – and for a period banned from the Block – was RATE leader Jenny Munro.

Meanwhile, in August, the NSW Supreme Court ruled against RATE and ordered its eviction. In doing so the courts stayed true to form, proving once again that like the police, prisons and entire legal/state machinery they are an instrument for the oppression of Aboriginal people and all the exploited and oppressed by the big end of town. Yet despite all that was thrown at RATE and its activists the struggle made a significant advance. Congratulations to all those who joined the struggle. It was the Aboriginal activists in RATE that provided the leadership and the strong drive that was key to success. The Aboriginal activists spearheading the movement deeply understood not only how the lack of affordable housing has forced many Aboriginal people into homelessness but also the importance of saving the Aboriginal character of The Block given its special significance as a historic centre for militant black resistance against racial oppression. Many non-Aboriginal people also supported the RATE struggle. This included people from various non-white “ethnic” communities – who especially identify with the Aboriginal rights struggle because of their own experiences in racist white Australia – as well as committed anti-racist white activists. Special mention here must be made to activists with links to the anarchist Black Rose collective who did a lot of heavy lifting in terms of staffing and protecting the embassy at night. Trotskyist Platform activists also did regular night and graveyard shifts to guard the embassy. Also participating in the struggle were activists from Socialist Alliance and individuals from a wide range of different anti-racist political standpoints. When RATE held rallies – both on as well as outside The Block– still broader layers of Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people joined these actions to express their support.

15 June 2014: Hundreds gather to defend the Redfern Aboriginal Tent Embassy (RATE). RATE attracted broad support from supporters of Aboriginal rights and campaigners for affordable housing.
15 June 2014: Hundreds gather to defend the Redfern Aboriginal Tent Embassy (RATE). RATE attracted broad support from supporters of Aboriginal rights and campaigners for affordable housing.

Just like RATE, Aboriginal housing on The Block was first won in a hard fought struggle. That early 1970s struggle faced even more obstacles than RATE did but, at the same time, was bolstered by a higher level of trade union support than the RATE struggle received. The back drop of the original struggle for affordable housing on The Block was the movement of many Aboriginal people from rural areas to the city in search of work. Many found work at the Eveleigh rail yards (at the site of what is now the Australian Technology Park) where they were paid terribly low wages – much lower than other workers. However, due to rampant discrimination by racist bosses, many Aboriginal people could not get work at all. To compound their problems, discrimination by landlords meant Aboriginal people had trouble getting tenancy in rental properties. In the early 1970s some of the homeless Aboriginal people would squat in unoccupied houses owned by absentee landlords in the area that later became known as The Block. They were often arrested and brutalised by local police who imposed a defacto selective curfew on Aboriginal people. Meanwhile, the racist South Sydney Council ran a campaign against those – including a local church – who would offer shelter to homeless Aboriginal people. As a result, in late 1972 black militants and allied anti-racist white people organised a plan to move homeless Aboriginal people into the unoccupied houses in Louis Street in what is now part of The Block. Those houses had been bought up by a greedy developer called Ian Kiernan (who would later founded Clean Up Australia and was awarded an “Australian of the Year” award). Kiernan had evicted all the previous mostly Aboriginal renters and planned to re-develop and gentrify the area with the aim of renting out the new dwellings at higher rates.

Being greedy capitalists, Kiernan and his firm, IBK, of course objected to the Aboriginal squatters. However, the leftist-led Builders Labourers Federation trade union made it clear to him that no work on his development would take place if the Aboriginal people were evicted. Meanwhile, several trade unions organised for work to be done to renovate the homes which were in a poor condition. As one of the former black militants that spearheaded the struggle for the Block, the late Bob Bellear, put it:

“The now exiled State Builders’ Labourers, through Bob Pringle, were called in to erect doors, fix windows etc., while some members of the Plumbers Union fixed taps, toilets and other plumbing facilities required for a more liveable habitation. The electricians turned on the power …”
– “How the Aboriginal Housing Project Was Born”, Bob Bellear, Koori History website

During the struggle, the black militants and their anti-racist white allies faced constant harassment and almost weekly arrests by the police. They were especially targeted by the NSW Police’s hated 21 Division – elite special operations cops (following police reorganisations its functions today are performed by the police’s Public Order and Riot Squad and its Tactical Operations Unit).  One of the 21 Division’s favourite tactics was to send in people to cause trouble and then to arrest as many Aboriginal people and their friends as possible in the ensuring raid on “grounds” like swearing, public drunkenness and resisting arrest. Meanwhile, the ALP-led South Sydney Council also did everything possible to oppose the struggle for housing for the homeless Aboriginal people. The racist Council was encouraged by a local community group formed by racist white residents fanatically opposed to the Aboriginal occupants. One night one of these white residents, a security guard, entered the houses where Aboriginal occupants were living and opened fire with live ammunition!

However, despite all this the Aboriginal militants and their BLF union allies stood firm. As it was clear that the Aboriginal struggle was determined to face down any opposition and with the BLF preventing any capitalist development in the area, the Labor federal Minister for Aboriginal Affairs, Gordon Bryant, bowed to demands from the Aboriginal militants to provide a grant for Aboriginal people to collectively buy up the area freehold and renovate the houses to use them to provide affordable accommodation for the most needy Aboriginal people. This victory was achieved in April 1973.

15 June 2014: Hundreds gather to defend the Redfern Aboriginal Tent Embassy (RATE). RATE attracted broad support from supporters of Aboriginal rights and campaigners for affordable housing.
7 November 2008: Flags of the MUA union proudly fly at a 200-strong demonstration in Sydney in support of Lex Wotton – the Palm Island Aboriginal resistance leader who led the November 2004 uprising that responded to the whitewash of the police murder in custody of Mulrunji Doomadgee. The Sydney rally was held to coincide with the sentencing hearing that Lex Wotton had to face in a Townsville court for his part in the heroic struggle. Like the BLF in its work in support of the struggle for affordable housing for Aboriginal people on The Block in the early 1970s, the MUA took industrial action in support of the crucial struggle to defend Lex Wotton

Lessons of the Struggles for Affordable Housing on The Block

Affordable housing for Aboriginal people on The Block was won in a period of much working class and other progressive social struggles. The early 1970s was also a time when the U.S. and Australian capitalist rulers were weakened by the defeats they were suffering in their brutal war against the communist workers and peasants of Vietnam. Meanwhile, just five years before The Block was won, capitalist rule in France had its foundations shaken by the militant May 1968 general strike and factory occupations by millions of French workers. A year later, Italy saw similar convulsive struggles that came to be known as the Hot Autumn. Fearful of the threat of socialist revolution that had been posed by the French and Italian events, anxious about the wave of working class and other progressive struggles, weakened by the defeats it was suffering in Vietnam and terrified at the open support for the Vietnamese revolutionaries by a significant number of Australian leftist workers and youth, the Australian capitalist rulers felt the need to make concessions to the masses in order to stave off events that seemed to be heading in a revolutionary direction. Thus, the late 1960s and early 1970s was a period when not only was The Block won but advances were made more broadly in Aboriginal rights, workers’ rights and women’s rights and headway was made in undermining the racist White Australia Policy exclusion of non-white immigrants. Similar gains were won in this period by the working class and downtrodden in Europe and the United States.

Yet by the early 1980s, capitalist rule had stabilised worldwide. We now saw a right-wing period of union-busting and a Cold War anti-communist push against the socialistic USSR and Vietnam. In the mid-1980s, the Hawke Labor government and Victorian and NSW state ALP governments together smashed the BLF union that had been so crucial to winning affordable housing for Aboriginal people on The Block. In the period from 1989-1992, socialistic rule was destroyed in the former USSR and allied East European countries like Hungary and East Germany. The capitalist ruling classes of the world were greatly emboldened by this and felt they could get away with further attacking the rights of the masses at home. The period of the 1980s Cold War and then post-Soviet capitalist triumphalism has seen unions and workers’ rights diminished, the gap between rich and poor widen, Aboriginal rights and organisations undermined, mandatory detention of refugees introduced and the Left weakened. It is in this context that the decades-long campaign by the developers and NSW government to drive Aboriginal tenants off The Block gathered steam.

The 1980s anti-communist Cold War against the Soviet Union and the subsequent collapse of the USSR was associated with intense union-busting and racist attacks at home. Left: A statue of Lenin is pulled down during the 1991-92 counterrevolution that destroyed the Soviet workers state. Centre: Victorian police brutally arrest members of the Builders Labourers Federation during the late 1980s smashing of that militant trade union. Right: A still from a 1992 video that outraged any decent person. White NSW police officers at a charity function wear blackface and mock Aboriginal people who have been killed in custody. The despicable racist cop shown in the photo said “I’m Lloyd Boney” as he impersonates an Aboriginal man hanging. Five years earlier, Lloyd Boney had been found hung in Brewarrina police station just one and a half hours after being arrested. He was widely understood to have been murdered by racist cops. It was during this period of racist, anti-working class reaction that the campaign by the developers and NSW government to drive Aboriginal tenants off The Block gathered steam.
The 1980s anti-communist Cold War against the Soviet Union and the subsequent collapse of the USSR was associated with intense union-busting and racist attacks at home. Left: A statue of Lenin is pulled down during the 1991-92 counterrevolution that destroyed the Soviet workers state. Centre: Victorian police brutally arrest members of the Builders Labourers Federation during the late 1980s smashing of that militant trade union. Right: A still from a 1992 video that outraged any decent person. White NSW police officers at a charity function wear blackface and mock Aboriginal people who have been killed in custody. The despicable racist cop shown in the photo said “I’m Lloyd Boney” as he impersonates an Aboriginal man hanging. Five years earlier, Lloyd Boney had been found hung in Brewarrina police station just one and a half hours after being arrested. He was widely understood to have been murdered by racist cops. It was during this period of racist, anti-working class reaction that the campaign by the developers and NSW government to drive Aboriginal tenants off The Block gathered steam.

The world we live in is still affected by the direct and indirect effects of the restoration of capitalism in the former USSR. Yet, in the last several years, we have also seen periods of militant worker and progressive social struggles in Greece, Nepal, Portugal and Spain. Inevitably there will again be a period of a sustained upswing in the class struggle like the late 1960s-early 1970s because the capitalist economic system, which is lurching from one economic crisis to another, leaves the masses no choice but to fight back against the ever greater suffering it imposes on us. However, to be able to open the doors to such an upsurge and, most importantly, to be able to channel it to a decisive victory we should learn the lessons of every struggle of the past. The RATE struggle is especially important in this regard because in a period when most struggles have been defeated or have not been able to make much headway, RATE made gains.

One reason for its success is, obviously, the steely determination of the Aboriginal leaders of RATE and the courage of all who participated in the struggle. Yet, many losing struggles have also had a combination of leaders devoted to the cause and brave activists. Key in the RATE struggle was the fact that the movement’s main strategy was not focussed on appeals to the government or mainstream politicians, legal action or other methods based on trust in one or another institution of the racist rich people’s state. Instead, RATE’s primary focus was to create facts on the ground through mass direct action – that is, by establishing itself at the heart of the area where the commercial development on The Block was to take place so the development could not proceed while the Embassy was still standing. Although the capitalist governments had the power through their cops and courts to physically evict RATE, in the end it calculated that doing so would incite such a firestorm of social protest that it would be better to make concessions. Mainstream politicians would have noted that the many police/legal/thug attacks on RATE had not deterred the movement one bit and realised that any eviction of RATE would have to be a major and violent police operation that would enrage RATE’s many supporters nationwide. They would have been aware of the large size of the protests against the closure of remote Aboriginal communities and have been worried that a brutal attack on RATE would only fuel these protests and increase the authority of the staunch, radical wing of the Aboriginal movement. Furthermore, although the level of union support given to RATE was relatively modest, the social power of the workers movement is so great that its endorsement of RATE was in itself a significant deterrent to the authorities. The ruling class would have been worried that a violent eviction of RATE could have provoked a backlash by sections of the workers movement and they would especially have dreaded the prospect of the CFMEU construction union slapping a ban on the commercial development in the same way as the BLF did in the original 1970s struggle for The Block. Perhaps, most of all, the capitalist rulers would have been very concerned that not only had many workers unions endorsed RATE but that RATE was sending contingents of activists to support an MUA wharfies’ picket line at Port Botany. Most of all, the exploiting class fears steps towards uniting the militancy of the most subjugated sections of the population – like Aboriginal people –with the social power of the organised working class: the enemy knows that this will be a formidable combination.

Federal Minister for Indigenous Affairs, Nick Scullion (Left), was involved in a deal between the Aboriginal Housing Company and the Redfern Aboriginal Tent Embassy (RATE) that saw the latter make headway on its key demand that affordable housing for Aboriginal people on The Block be built prior to any commercial development. Scullion was forced to make this concession to RATE because through mass, direct action and with the backing of trade unions, RATE posed a physical obstruction to future commercial development. Scullion’s concession, finally wrested out of him after 15 months of RATE’s hard struggle, does not change the fact that Scullion is an enemy of the struggle for Aboriginal rights who carried out the racist policy of cutting federal funding for remote Aboriginal communities. Right: 19 March 2015 rally in Perth against the government’s forced closure of Aboriginal communities.
Federal Minister for Indigenous Affairs, Nick Scullion (Left), was involved in a deal between the Aboriginal Housing Company and the Redfern Aboriginal Tent Embassy (RATE) that saw the latter make headway on its key demand that affordable housing for Aboriginal people on The Block be built prior to any commercial development. Scullion was forced to make this concession to RATE because through mass, direct action and with the backing of trade unions, RATE posed a physical obstruction to future commercial development. Scullion’s concession, finally wrested out of him after 15 months of RATE’s hard struggle, does not change the fact that Scullion is an enemy of the struggle for Aboriginal rights who carried out the racist policy of cutting federal funding for remote Aboriginal communities. Right: 19 March 2015 rally in Perth against the government’s forced closure of Aboriginal communities.

It is important that the gains won by the RATE struggle not be remembered as a case of “if you bang on about something long enough the politicians do start to listen.” Indeed, the involvement of mainstream politicians with the RATE campaign – even to make themselves look good – had been very minimal. A couple of Greens politicians did, on very rare occasions, pop into RATE but as is typical did not widely publicise their claimed solidarity with RATE and made little effort to make it a national issue. When, at the very end, the federal government eventually came up with funding for affordable housing on The Block, a whole fifteen months after the start of the RATE struggle, Minister for Indigenous Affairs Nick Scullion pretended that he was sympathetic to the RATE struggle and was making the grant out of sympathy for Aboriginal people’s rights. This is the same Nick Scullion that cut off federal funding for remote Aboriginal communities! The truth is that the Liberal and ALP politicians accept the current capitalist order and are mates with the greedy developers. Nick Scullion did not have a sudden change of heart but simply wanted to make himself look good while making a concession that he has been forced into. There is no way that Nick Scullion would have made the concession that he did if activists had simply been making submissions and representations to him without the presence of RATE as a physical obstruction to future commercial development. RATE made headway because it was based on mass, direct action by determined Aboriginal activists and non-Aboriginal anti-racists and because it won trade union support. As RATE leader, Jenny Munro, put it:

“I’m old school. My teachers taught me the principles of our resistance – we never ceded our land to anyone.
“The embassy has demonstrated that for our people, resistance is the only way to go.”

The lessons of the RATE struggle not only has implications for the struggle for Aboriginal rights but also for the broader struggle for affordable rental accommodation and for the entire struggle of the oppressed and exploited. To maximize the chance of being victorious, the struggles of the working class and all of the downtrodden demands a strategy based on mass, direct action and not at all upon reliance on the state institutions and mainstream political parties that serve the capitalist ruling class. In order for struggles waged in this way to achieve major victories against a powerful and ruthless exploiting class – and when the opportunity arises to culminate in the seizure of state power by the oppressed masses – the movements need to be buttressed around the strength of the organised working class. However, for the power of the workers movement to be unleashed, the influence of illusions in a capitalist parliament, divisive “Aussie workers first” nationalism and the loyalty to the capitalist order promoted by the ALP social democrats needs to be purged from the workers movement. We need to turn the workers movement into one that only trusts in its own power united with all the downtrodden, that fights for workers of all races, nations and pay levels to stand together truly as one and which champions the cause of all the downtrodden. Let’s be encouraged by the successes of the RATE struggle to work harder for this goal so that victories for the oppressed will not be rarities but will, instead, become commonplace and part of the long march towards a final revolutionary victory.

10 January 2015: Defenders of the Socialistic DPRK Support the DPRK Soccer Team at the Asia Cup

DPRK Asia Cup photo outside stadium
From the moment the DPRK soccer team arrived in Sydney for the January 2015 Asia Cup Finals, the capitalist-owned media went all out to demonise the team as highly secretive, repressed and without support. This is part of their general propaganda war against socialistic North Korea. The aim of this campaign is to justify to the Australian masses the Australian ruling class’ participation in the relentless Notably, the online instructors have decided to put interesting driving course lessons that are far less boring than classroom education and makes it enticing for new learners to learn about the different aspects of the internet, try what makes sense, then try something else. india cheap cialis Fortunately, various medications are available on the market that works tremendously in curing this problem without possessing buy levitra vardenafil any kind of variation. The best http://appalachianmagazine.com/category/featured/page/50/?filter_by=featured prices for cialis neurosurgeons not only ease the patients into the process but they have to take the drugs whole life, or it may be called they are bound to become slaves to those drugs. These types of drugs are usually cipla levitra available as pills or injections, and the dosage depends on the type of surgery in which prostate gland is removed. imperialist drive to crush the DPRK workers state through military, economic and political pressure.
However, the media narrative took a blow when soccer fans coming to watch North Korea’s match against Uzbekhistan as well as Sydney public transport users came across a contingent of supporters of the socialistic DPRK coming to support the DPRK team. The contingent – including supporters of Trotskyist Platform, the Australia-DPRK Friendship Society and the Communist Party of Australia – chanted:
“D-P-R-K! Workers State is Here to Stay!”

Down with the Right-Wing Campaign OF Lies about North Korea!

Above: Democracy in capitalist South Korea? Leftist South Korean parliamentarian Lee Seok-ki shouts as he is escorted into prison by security agents in September 2013. The Unified Progressive Party (UPP) MP was jailed for nine years on bogus charges of inciting a socialist insurrection. Later, the South Korean regime banned the UPP and kicked all its MPs out of parliament. Until it was banned, the UPP was South Korea’s third largest parliamentary party with a vote share equivalent to The Greens in Australia.

“Human Rights” Attacks on Socialistic North Korea & the Trade Union Royal Commission Here:
Both are Campaigns of Lies to “Justify” Attacks on Anyone Standing in the Way of Capitalist Exploitation

22 August 2015: This month, people around the world marked the 70th anniversary of the two most horrific terror attacks on civilians ever perpetrated in the whole of human history. Seventy years ago the U.S. regime, fully backed by the Australian ruling class, was responsible for the nuclear incineration of the people first of Hiroshima and then of Nagasaki. Yet these very same ruling classes have the hide to wage a campaign against the Democratic Peoples Republic of Korea (DPRK or North Korea) over “human rights.”

Indeed, the DPRK is probably the last country that the Western powers should be raising the issue of “human rights” about.  During the 1950-53 Korean War, the U.S. and allied militaries – including those of Australia and South Korea – killed between two to three million North Korean citizens. In the beginning of January 1951, American General Mathew Ridgway ordered the air force to hit the North Korean capital, Pyongyang, “with the goal of burning the city to the ground with incendiary bombs,” which they did in two strikes on January 3 and January 5 (“Consequences of the ‘Forgotten War,’” Bruce Cummings, printed in Le Monde Diplomatique, December 2004). Pyongyang and just about every other city in North and Central Korea was again levelled by U.S. bombing in December 1952. Those North Koreans that survived were by then literally living in caves.

Yet the capitalist powers and the big business-owned media that serve them have never shied away from gross hypocrisy and never been bound by the truth. Recall, for one, their now infamous lie that Iraq possessed nuclear weapons. Such lies are spread for a purpose. In the case of the lie about Iraq it was used to justify the 2003 U.S.–led invasion and conquest of that oil-rich country. Here, the Liberal/National Party regime’s lies demonising our trade unions are used to grease the skids for further union-busting attacks and anti-strike laws.

So why are they lying about North Korea then? Because the workers and farmers of North Korea have dared to adopt a socio-political system that is not based on capitalist exploitation. The masses of North Korea have dared to insist that they will not subordinate themselves to Western imperialism. For this “crime,” the imperial powers have slated the DPRK for destruction. Their outrageous claims about “appalling human rights abuses” in North Korea are used to justify the ongoing stiff economic sanctions on that country as well as the extreme military pressure that the U.S. and its allies exert on the DPRK. Not only are tens of thousands of U.S. troops stationed in South Korea to threaten the DPRK but U.S. aircraft and warships regularly move in and out of North Korean airspace and waters to amplify this threat. Ultimately, the imperialist powers see the “human rights” crusade against North Korea as a means of preparing the population in their own countries for a future, full-scale military assault on that country – something that has to date only been stymied by Red China’s alliance with its socialistic sister, the DPRK.

As part of the big lie campaign against the DPRK, the South Korean Consul General in Sydney – in other words the South Korean government – hosted a week of events in Australia from August 17 to August 21 titled “North Korea Human Rights Week.” These events were timed to coincide with the 70th anniversary of the liberation of North Korea from Japanese colonial occupation on 15 August. The Sydney Branch of the Australia-DPRK Friendship Society protested outside the Opening Ceremony of this “Human Rights Week” at Sydney City’s main cinema strip near Town Hall station. Participating in the snap protest were several Trotskyist Platform comrades as well as supporters of the Australia-DPRK Friendship Society including one member from the CPA and a representative from the Supporters of the Iranian Peoples Fadaee Gureillas. Among the placards we carried were signs that read, “Human Rights” Attacks on Socialistic North Korea Are Like the Trade Union Royal Commission Here: A Campaign of Lies Used to Justify Attacks on Organisation/s Standing In the Way of Capitalist Exploitation and “Human Rights” of imperialism = bombing Afghanistan, torture at Guantanamo, killings of Aboriginal people in custody, support for murderous regimes in Egypt, Israel, Philippines and Colombia. How dare they attack socialistic DPRK, China and Cuba over “human rights.” Some passers-by stopped to express sympathy with the protest. Among these were a woman who knew much about the South Korean regime’s jailing of trade unionists and a woman of South Korean origin whose husband was a political activist murdered by the capitalist South Korean regime.

For the brutal, anti-working class South Korean regime to be talking about “human rights” is truly the height of hypocrisy. Yet its attacks on the socialistic North are totally expected. Whilst the DPRK was founded by Korean leftists who heroically fought the Japanese imperialist occupiers and with the vital assistance of the Soviet Red Army freed the Northern part of the peninsula from colonial rule, South Korea was established by the U.S. using many local collaborators with Japanese colonial rule as their henchmen. Among these U.S. henchmen were rich industrialists and big landlords during Japanese rule who defected from the North after the new socialistic power there nationalised industry and divided big landholdings amongst the impoverished poor peasants. Thus for a long time many amongst the Korean masses viewed North Korea as the real Korea and South Korea for what it really was –  a U.S.-occupied puppet state. The South Korean regime and its U.S. patrons could only maintain their rule through the most bloody terror and the support of the occupying U.S. military forces.

14 November 2015, Seoul: Capitalist South Korea’s brutal police unleash water cannon, pepper spray and tear gas to disperse a 70,000 strong anti-government demonstration of workers and civil rights activists.
14 November 2015, Seoul: Capitalist South Korea’s brutal police unleash water cannon, pepper spray and tear gas to disperse a 70,000 strong anti-government demonstration of workers and civil rights activists.

Against the lies being spread by the South Korean regime and the U.S., British, Japanese and Australian ruling classes, we present here some important facts:

  • In the DPRK there is full employment. All workers have a right to work. This does not exist in capitalist South Korea and certainly not in capitalist Australia where greedy bosses feel that they can even get away with sacking workers in strongly unionised workplaces by text message!
  • The liberation in the latter part of World War II of the Northern part of Korea from Japanese colonial rule by the Soviet Red Army and communist-led Korean partisans led to the establishment of a workers state in North Korea. This workers state is, however, weakened by bureaucratic deformations. Thus, although the DPRK defends a pro-working class system based on collective ownership of industry, agriculture and services, the bulk of the working class is kept away from political administration which is in the hands of a relatively narrow bureaucratic layer. There is also a personality cult around leader Kim Jong Un and his late father, previous leader Kim Jong-Il and his deceased grandfather, founding head of the DPRK and former anti-colonial resistance leader, Kim Il Sung. Furthermore, those who form the administrative layer of the DPRK have special material privileges (although these pale in comparison to the extreme wealth of big business owners in capitalist countries). Yet despite these bureaucratic deformations, the existence of a workers state in the Northern part of Korea represents a significant conquest for the international working class. Furthermore, fixing the bureaucratic deformations that weaken the DPRK workers state demands relieving her of the tremendous pressure that is bearing down upon her from the imperialist powers and their South Korean ally.
  • Working in a society where workers have guaranteed jobs and are proclaimed as the ruling class means that North Korean workers enjoy a relaxed, friendly work environment. Indeed, if Aussie bosses saw how laid back North Korean workers were and how much they like to talk to each other whilst working on a production line then they would truly have a fit!
  • In contrast to the North, most South Korean workers toil in insecure casual or temporary jobs. Though the trade union movement there has waged many brave struggles for their rights in the face of fierce repression, still workers are forced to work very long hours. In fact, South Korean workers endure amongst the longest working hours in the world and the large number of workers forced to work part-time there means that the statistics, actually, hide the full extent of the reality.
  • Despite an industrialised economy, in capitalist South Korea, large numbers of homeless people sleep every day in railway subway tunnels. Many frail elderly people are forced to collect recyclables for petty cash since an aged pension barely exists in this country. In contrast, in North Korea, homelessness is non-existent and all citizens are guaranteed heavily subsidised public housing.
  • Despite being devastated in the 1950-53 Korean War, over the following two decades the DPRK built the second most advanced economy in Asia. Up until the late 1960s, the DPRK not only had much better health care, social welfare and education than South Korea but a higher average level of income. At that time, the U.S. decided to massively subsidise South Korean economic development as the U.S. rulers feared that hatred of the South Korean regime and sympathy for the North amongst the South Korean masses would lead to revolution. Thus, South Korea’s industrialisation was based on huge U.S. backing as well as cruel exploitation of its own workers.
  • Up until the collapse of the USSR in 1991-92, North Korean citizens continued to enjoy a high standard of living. However, the destruction of the USSR had a devastating effect on the DPRK. Faced with sanctions from the capitalist world, trade and technical exchanges with the former Soviet Union had been the DPRK’s economic lifeline. Furthermore, the USSR acted as a guarantor of the DPRK’s defence. Now, the DPRK had to provide for its own defence (China’s military was, especially at that time, not comparable to the USSR’s and incapable of providing the same deterrent to imperialist threats to the DPRK) at a time when the imperial powers felt more emboldened than ever. This forced the DPRK to divert a much larger proportion of its economy to defence which in turn squeezed her economy. A period of serious hardship in the country followed. However, by the start of the 21st century this started to turn around and especially over the last few years the DPRK economy has picked up. The military encirclement and the sanctions still hurt the DPRK – for example there is a shortage of fuel and spare parts for machinery and automobiles. Yet the North Korean masses are standing strong much like defiant workers who lose wages whilst on strike. Embarking on the struggle against their enemy brings hardships but they stand firm understanding that victory will open the road to a brighter future.

    The Australian capitalist regime that attacks the DPRK over “human rights” has overseen the death of over 500 Aboriginal people in state custody since 1980. Some of the more well-known cases of Aboriginal people being outright murdered by racist police or killed as a result of racist treatment while in custody include: Eddie Murray (Top Left) who was killed by police in June 1981 in Wee Waa, northern NSW, within an hour of being arrested (merely for being allegedly drunk); 17 year-old TJ Hickey (Top Right) who in February 2004 was chased by racist police in Redfern who then rammed his bicycle causing him to fly through the air and be impaled on a fence; Mulrunji Doomadgee (Bottom Left) who was barbarically beaten to death by racist police officer Chris Hurley in Palm Island in November 2004 and Julieka Dhu (Bottom Right) who while imprisoned in WA’s South Hedland watch house in August 2011 was repeatedly denied medical assistance by racist police as she cried out for help. When eventually taken to hospital on two occasions she never got to see a doctor as police lied to hospital staff that, “she was faking it.” She eventually died as a result of this torture-like denial of medical assistance 48 hours after being jailed for unpaid fines.
    The Australian capitalist regime that attacks the DPRK over “human rights” has overseen the death of over 500 Aboriginal people in state custody since 1980. Some of the more well-known cases of Aboriginal people being outright murdered by racist police or killed as a result of racist treatment while in custody include: Eddie Murray (Top Left) who was killed by police in June 1981 in Wee Waa, northern NSW, within an hour of being arrested (merely for being allegedly drunk); 17 year-old TJ Hickey (Top Right) who in February 2004 was chased by racist police in Redfern who then rammed his bicycle causing him to fly through the air and be impaled on a fence; Mulrunji Doomadgee (Bottom Left) who was barbarically beaten to death by racist police officer Chris Hurley in Palm Island in November 2004 and Julieka Dhu (Bottom Right) who while imprisoned in WA’s South Hedland watch house in August 2011 was repeatedly denied medical assistance by racist police as she cried out for help. When eventually taken to hospital on two occasions she never got to see a doctor as police lied to hospital staff that, “she was faking it.” She eventually died as a result of this torture-like denial of medical assistance 48 hours after being jailed for unpaid fines.
  • In the above sense, North Korean defectors can be compared to weak workers who sneak back to work during a strike because they are looking for short-term economic security at the expense of the long-term well-being of their fellow workers. Some of these defectors, either out of the quest for fame or because of cajoling from the South Korean and Western governments and anti-communist NGOs, have given harrowing tales of life in North Korea. Yet such tales have often been exposed as lies. These included the tales told by the most famous North Korean defector, Yeonmi Park. Her lies were so blatant that even anti-communist news agencies had to report on it. Meanwhile, hundreds of defectors disillusioned with the cut-throat life in the capitalist South with its unemployment and underemployment have, actually, defected back to the North.
  • Even despite the hardships that being squeezed by powerful capitalist powers brings, the North Korean masses manage to have their basic needs met. Contrary to the utter lies of the Western mainstream media there is no starvation in North Korea. Indeed, even statistics compiled by Western agencies hostile to the DPRK reveal this. Thus, the list of the percentage of a country’s population under the age of five who are underweight due to malnourishment estimated by the CIA – an institution thoroughly hostile to and biased against the DPRK – shows that North Korea is not only not among the top ten countries with the highest proportion of malnourished children but not even in the top 40! Indeed, not only do India, Pakistan and Sri Lanka have much higher rates of malnourished children but so do other strong Western allies like Indonesia, the Philippines and Papua New Guinea.
  • Similarly, the UN’s World Health Organization estimates life expectancy in the DPRK at 70 years. This is not only decisively higher than in India, Pakistan and PNG but also, actually, slightly higher than in Russia (suffering as Russia is, of course, from the capitalist counter-revolution that dismantled the world’s first workers state, the Soviet Union, in 1991) as well as the Philippines.
  • Despite the external pressure it faces, the DPRK has completely free health care and education. As a result, the DPRK has one of the highest literacy rates in the world for both women and men and a highly educated population.
  • North Koreans enjoy a rich social and cultural life. Peoples’ favourite hobbies include sports, dancing and playing music. As in much of Asia, people love karaoke. A recent craze there are amusement parks which have started springing up all over the country.
  • North Korea is a sports mad country and you can often see people jogging in the streets, playing in parks or training in the country’s many sports pavilions. At the last Olympic Games in London, the DPRK finished 20th in the medal tally – punching above its weight for a country of its size.
  • Many North Koreans play musical instruments and sing. Classical Korean and classical Western music, light semi-classical Korean tunes and pop music are all popular. The most popular band in North Korea at the moment, the extremely talented, all-female Moranbong Band plays all these styles alongside Western pop pieces.

    North Korean children having fun at a playground near a housing complex. Photo: Trotskyist Platform
    North Korean children having fun at a playground near a housing complex. Photo: Trotskyist Platform
  • In South Korea (the Republic of Korea), the very tough work environment for workers and the cut-throat nature of the capitalist society in general has led to it having the second highest suicide rate in the world. To put this in perspective, the suicide rate in South Korea is more than two and a half times that of Australia’s and nearly four times that of the Peoples Republic of China.
  • Despite having the hide to attack the DPRK over “human rights,” it is South Korea that has an appalling record of crushing the human rights of workers. The Seoul regime regularly arrests and imprisons trade union activists, including several trade union leaders who were arrested only two months ago .
  • Many people are persecuted under South Korea’s draconian National Security Law. In 2010 a woman was given a two year jail term for possessing MP3 files of instrumental music that was alleged to have pro-North Korea titles!
  • Last December, the South Korean regime banned the country’s third largest party in parliament, the left-leaning Unified Progressive Party (UPP), and stripped its MPs of its parliamentary seats. The UPP was accused of organising a pro-North Korea rebellion as the party’s actually quite critical attitude to the DPRK is, however, not hard line enough for the South Korean authorities. The UPP had won over two million votes (just over 10% of the total) in the proportional representation side of the last South Korean elections in 2012.
  • Capitalist rule in South Korea was consolidated by fanatical right-wing terror. From April 1948 to May 1949, the U.S. military government and their South Korean henchmen killed over 30,000 people on South Korea’s Jeju Island after the population rose up following repeated police shootings of pro-communist activists. Even the South Korean regime’s own commission – some 60 years after the fact – accepted that at least 20,000 people jailed for participation in the Jeju uprising were later massacred shortly after the outbreak of the Korean War.
  • More broadly, at the start of the Korean War, the South Korean rulers with the connivance of the U.S and Australia killed communists and those suspected of being communist sympathisers in what was known as the Bodo League massacres. Estimates of the number of people murdered ranged from 100,000 to 1.2 million. For decades in South Korea those who even spoke of these massacres were jailed. Although today South Korea flaunts an image of “democracy” and finally acknowledges, in part, the Bodo League massacres, it remains ruled by a brutal anti-working class regime.
    In May 1980, the South Korean military and police massacred over 2,000 people in the city of Kwangju after leftist students and workers there staged a rebellion demanding an end to martial law and an increase in minimum wages.
  • The South Korean regime for decades either pressured or coerced local women to work as “comfort women” prostitutes for stationed American troops. They then stigmatised the women and left them to live in poverty. Over 120 surviving comfort women are now suing the South Korean regime.
  • The South Korean regime is far from the only hypocrite amongst those falsely attacking the DPRK over “human rights.” So are the rulers of the U.S., Britain, Australia and other Washington allies. In Vietnam, these forces killed over two million Vietnamese people in their cruel but, ultimately, futile and losing war against the heroic Vietnamese revolutionaries. Over the course of the 1991 First Gulf War attack on Iraq, the subsequent starvation-causing UN sanctions on Iraq and the 2003 invasion and occupation, the U.S., British and Australian regimes caused the death of over one and a half million Iraqi people. In 2001, they invaded Afghanistan to replace the fundamentalist cutthroats that they, themselves, had helped bring to power with a new lot of misogynist tyrants that are, however, even more slavish to them. In the process they bombed Afghanistan back to the stone-age and massacred thousands of civilians in countless “accidental” air strikes on wedding parties and civilian travel convoys. In neighbouring Pakistan, U.S. drone strikes unleashed against the wishes of Pakistan’s government kill hundreds upon hundreds of civilians. Meanwhile, four years ago, the NATO imperialists, egged on by the Australian government, violently deposed the then Libyan government. In doing so they not only killed tens of thousands of Libyan people in savage air strikes but turned that once peaceful and affluent country into a nightmarish “failed state” ruled by rival gangs of religious extremists and warlords and caused tens of thousands of Libyans to flee in dangerous boat trips to Europe.

    Workers at North Korea’s Taedongang Tile Plant. North Korea has a relaxed and friendly work environment where at least two people are stationed at assembly line node points that would, in places like Australia or Indonesia, have only one worker doing all the work. Photo: Trotskyist Platform
    Workers at North Korea’s Taedongang Tile Plant. North Korea has a relaxed and friendly work environment where at least two people are stationed at assembly line node points that would, in places like Australia or Indonesia, have only one worker doing all the work. Photo: Trotskyist Platform
  • As part of all these neo-colonial wars of conquest, the U.S. and their allies have used torture to advance their goals. There was the notorious torture of Iraqi political prisoners by the U.S. at Iraq’s Abu Ghraib prison, NATO’s torture in Afghanistan’s Bagram Air Base and the ongoing U.S. hellhole prison camp at Guantanamo Bay.
  • The Australian capitalist ruling class has perpetrated such atrocities not only as junior partners of the U.S. but sometimes from neo-colonial interventions it has itself led. In the late 1980s, when the people of the PNG-controlled island of Bougainville rose up to resist the terrible destruction of their livelihoods by Australian mining company CRA (this company which operated the huge Panguna mine in Bougainville with callous disregard to the local people later merged with British RTZ to form Rio Tinto), the Australian regime and its PNG government henchmen orchestrated a brutal war and naval blockade against the Bougainville people. As a result 15,000 to 20,000 Bougainville people perished – all for the sake of the profits of Australian capitalist bigwigs.
  • Here at home, the Australian rulers who attack the DPRK over “human rights” continue to preside over genocidal attacks on Aboriginal people, including forcibly closing down Aboriginal communities, stripping Aboriginal children from their families and police killings of Aboriginal people in custody. Meanwhile, refugees arriving in this country are thrown into hell-hole offshore detention camps where they face beatings, torture and in some cases murder at the hands of camp guards.
  • In the U.S., racist police and white supremacists murder blacks, Asians and Hispanics at an alarming and seemingly ever increasing rate. Meanwhile, the U.S. has the largest prison population in the world – more than the entire population of Brisbane! The rate of imprisonment in the U.S. is close to four times that of Venezuela and nearly six times that of China.

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People get set for a ride in one of North Korea’s many fun parks. Visiting amusement parks is one of the latest crazes in North Korea. You certainly would not know that from the mainstream Western media coverage about North Korea which seeks to do everything possible to demonise the society. Photo: Trotskyist Platform.
People get set for a ride in one of North Korea’s many fun parks. Visiting amusement parks is one of the latest crazes in North Korea. You certainly would not know that from the mainstream Western media coverage about North Korea which seeks to do everything possible to demonise the society.
Photo: Trotskyist Platform.

The truth is that the only “rights” that those waging the anti-DPRK “human rights” campaign are truly concerned about is the right of greedy corporate bigwigs to exploit the toil of working class people and the right of their mouthpieces to propagate the “virtues” of such a system. These rights do not, thankfully, exist in North Korea. And let’s keep it that way!

Defend the DPRK workers state! Down with the right-wing campaign of lies about North Korea! U.S. troops get out of South Korea and Japan! End all sanctions against North Korea! Remove the U.S. troops from Darwin and the U.S. spy facilities at Pine Gap and elsewhere in Australia which are used primarily for furthering U.S.-Australian ruling class threats against the DPRK and the Peoples Republic of China!

Apart from facilitating attacks on the socialistic DPRK, the lies about the “human rights” situation in the DPRK are used to distract the masses in South Korea, the U.S.A and Australia from the distinct lack of rights that working class people have in their own countries. So we demand: Repeal South Korea’s fascistic National Security Law! Revoke the ban on South Korea’s Unified Progressive Party! Free all imprisoned trade union activists in South Korea! Free all the refugees in Australia! Down with the police murder of Aboriginal people in state custody in Australia! End the Australian regime’s forced closure of remote Aboriginal communities! For the guaranteed right to a full-time job in Australia – just like people enjoy in North Korea!

What Strategy is needed to Counter the Violent Racist Threat?

Above: In Melbourne, April 2015, fascists (on the left of picture) participating in the ultra-Islamophobic “Reclaim Australia” rally threaten and use violence against anti-racist counter-demonstrators. Fascist forces not only have disgusting views but are people organised to commit violence against Aboriginal people, non-white ethnic communities, leftists and the workers movement. The idea that fascists can be peacefully debated is not a viewpoint based on reality.

WORKING CLASS-BASED MASS DIRECT ACTION vs LIBERAL/SOCIAL-DEMOCRATIC PACIFISM

The first “Reclaim Australia” rallies on 4 April 2015 were the biggest open mobilisations of far-right racists in Australia in a long time. With the notable exception of Melbourne, in most places where they rallied on April 4 the racist extremists outnumbered anti-racist counter-protesters. In Sydney, Australia’s largest and most multiracial city, the April 4 counter-demonstration was particularly weak. Many long-time anti-fascists did not turn up to the anti-racist counter-rally, organised mainly by the Solidarity group, because the rally leadership’s avowed strategy of ruling out any attempt to shut down the white supremacist “Reclaim Australia” mobilisation either positively turned off – or otherwise did not inspire – many staunch anti-fascists.

When the fascists again rallied in cities throughout Australia on the weekend of July 18/19, anti-racists throughout the country were more determined. A somewhat more purposeful intent shown in the building for the July 19 anti-racist counter-action in Sydney – in comparison with the strategy proclaimed for the earlier April 4 Sydney rally – saw anti-racists this time outnumber the extreme right-wing racists by two to one. However, in Queensland the far-right racist rallies again exceeded in numbers the size of the counter-demonstrations. Furthermore, again with the partial exception of Melbourne where a determined picket set up by anti-racist counter-protesters blocked some of the fascists from entering their race-hate rally’s assembly point, the rednecks were still able to hold their actions unimpeded and turn central parts of major cities into de-facto no-go zones for people with non-white skin. Moreover, the July 18/19 “Reclaim” rallies received more mainstream backing than the previous April 4 mobilisation with one sitting government MP speaking at a rally and the police even more blatantly siding with the fascists against anti-racist counter-demonstrators.

In the wake of the fascist danger shown by the 4 April 2015 – and then July 18/19 – “Reclaim” rallies there has been much debate amongst leftists and other anti-racists about how best to counter the far-right offensive. This is not a bad thing. Such debates give an opportunity to clarify the strategy that we need to defeat the threat from extreme racists. The lines of these debates focus on several related questions but a key one is whether the goal of counter-demonstrations should be to simply protest against the views of the far-right racists or, on the other hand, should they also seek to physically stop the fascist mobilisations. Amongst those advocating the former perspective – that is, a continuation of the pacifist strategy that the Sydney 4 April 2015 anti-racist rally was built on – are various small-l liberals including many supporters of the Greens as well as the left groups Socialist Alliance and Solidarity. Strongly defending this outlook is also the Communist Party of Australia (CPA). An article in the CPA’s The Guardian newspaper by Peter Mac, analysing the April 4 racist and anti-racist demonstrations, denounced the Melbourne anti-racist counter-action for being “violent” and continued that:

The likelihood of an eruption of violence was boosted by one group’s declaration that the Reclaim Australia rally provided a golden opportunity to shut it down, that `the neo-Nazis … must be swept off the streets’ and its recommendation to `drive the violent white supremacists out of stolen Aboriginal land!’
As a result during the Melbourne confrontation Reclaim Australia’s chant of `Aussie, Aussie, Aussie, Oi, Oi. Oi’ was met with shouts of `Fuck off racists’ by some of the counter demonstrators, accompanied by spitting, punches and bloodshed on both sides.
“Lessons from Reclaim Australia protests”, The Guardian, 22 April 2015

The “one group” that the CPA is here attacking happens to be us – Trotskyist Platform. To properly understand our strategy that the CPA is condemning, one needs to read not just the couple of phrases from our leaflet plucked out by the The Guardian but, at the very least, the entire paragraph which we copy below:

It appears that the organisers of the Sydney anti-racist counter-rally want the event to simply challenge the views of `Reclaim Australia’ and expose its racist nature. That is certainly necessary. However, it is far from adequate. What distinguishes the fascists from mainstream racists is that they have a program of using violence to achieve their aim of a `pure’ whites-only society. These are the same groups that helped incite the notorious 2005 Cronulla Beach white supremacist riot. Their neo-Nazi slogans have helped to foment the wave of violent – and sometimes even murderous – attacks on Indian, Chinese, and most recently, Korean students as well as helping to incite the unceasing redneck violence against Aboriginal people. If these white supremacists get away with openly inciting racist hatred on April 4 it will encourage every garden-variety redneck watching to radicalise their racist stance. If such hate parades continue it will be inevitable that we will see here horrific incidents like that which happened in North Carolina last month when three young Muslim American students were murdered in a racist attack. Furthermore, the organised presence of violent white supremacists in the heart of Sydney – no matter if they are interspersed with less extreme racists who they have sucked into their rally – will intimidate and physically endanger the many Muslim and non-white people visiting the area. That is why the `Reclaim Australia’ action must not only be protested against – it must be shut down! The neo-Nazis pulling the strings in organising `Reclaim Australia’ must be swept off the streets. Let’s drive violent white supremacists out of stolen Aboriginal land!
“Shutdown the ‘Reclaim Australia’ Race Hate Rallies”, Trotskyist Platform leaflet, 28 March 2015

George Christensen (Centre), an MP from the federal Coalition government, spoke at the 19 July 2015 “Reclaim Australia” racist rally in Mackay. Small-l liberal figures and their social democratic promoters claim that mainstream politicians can be won over to the struggle against far-right racism. But, actually, these politicians are a big part of the reason why the extreme racist forces are growing.
George Christensen (Centre), an MP from the federal Coalition government, spoke at the 19 July 2015 “Reclaim Australia” racist rally in Mackay. Small-l liberal figures and their social democratic promoters claim that mainstream politicians can be won over to the struggle against far-right racism. But, actually, these politicians are a big part of the reason why the extreme racist forces are growing.

Unfortunately, at this point what was warned against in our leaflet is, for the moment, coming to pass. The white supremacists largely got away with being able to foment their race hate on 4 April 2015 (and indeed on July 18/19) and as a result those unorganised racist bigots sitting at home watching became more radicalised. This has contributed at least in some way to the increase in racist attacks on the streets over the last few months. The one partial exception on April 4 (and also on July 18/19) was Melbourne, where the fascists’ ability to hold their race-hate provocation was at least challenged by the large counter-rally and some of the racists were blocked from joining their counterparts at their rallying point. Yet, sounding completely like small-l liberals rather than the communists that the CPA proudly claims to be a party of, Peter Mac’s article condemns the “spitting, punches and bloodshed on both sides” thereby equating the determined and laudable anti-racist resistance of many Melbourne anti-“Reclaim” demonstrators with the thuggery of neo-Nazis attempting to crush any obstacle to advancing their violent racist objectives.

Lenin’s Strategy for Defeating Fascists

CPA comrades, as avowed supporters of Lenin’s communist program, should consider the attitude of Lenin’s Bolsheviks to the Russian far-right racists of Lenin’s time, the Black Hundreds. Ardent monarchists, the Black Hundreds were most notorious for perpetrating violent attacks on Jewish people – usually with the connivance and often even the active support of the Tsarist authorities. As well as espousing extreme anti-Semitism, these rabid Russian chauvinists also whipped up hatred against Polish people and opposed any recognition of Ukrainians as a distinct nationality. Like today’s fascists in Australia, the Black Hundreds also staged mass, “patriotic” demonstrations to denounce the influence of non-Christian, ethnic minority, leftist and liberal groups. Yet, unlike the CPA’s newspaper that condemns those taking action to physically impede fascist provocations in Melbourne, Lenin instead condemned those liberals and pacifist leftists who denounced as “reckless” the calls to organise mass, militant self-defence against the Black Hundreds. Thus, when in June 1906 the Black Hundreds perpetrated a horrific pogrom against Jewish people in the town of Belostok (sometimes spelt Bialystok) in the western part of the then Russian empire (in today’s Poland), Lenin wrote:

… there are those who, seeing these phenomena of Russian social life, think, and say, that somebody or other is `recklessly’ calling upon the people to resort to `extreme measures’! One must be, not reckless, but a poltroon, politically corrupt, to say such things in the face of events like the burning of the People’s House at Vologda (at the time of the opening of the Duma) or the pogrom in Belostok (after the Duma had been in session a month).   A single event like this will have more effect upon the people than millions of appeals. And to talk about `reckless’ appeals is just as hopelessly pedantic and as much a sin of a deadened civic conscience, as to condemn the wild cry for revenge that is going up from the battlefields of Vologda and Belostok.
“The Reaction is Taking to Arms”, V.I. Lenin, June 1906, Collected Works, Progress Publishers

The perspective of Lenin’s Bolsheviks to the Russian fascists of their time was thus very far from that of Peter Mac’s attitude to Australia’s Black Hundreds of today. Thus, while Mac speaks of the need to “persuade” Reclaim participants saying that it would be “a grave mistake to assume that Reclaim supporters are incapable of changing their minds,” Lenin’s attitude to those who were inciting and perpetrating physical attacks on ethnic communities and leftists can be summed up by the following call he made to respond to the Black Hundreds. Lenin called for revolutionaries to:

… at once find out who organises the Black Hundreds and where and how they are organised, and then, without confining themselves to propaganda (which is useful, but inadequate) they must act with armed force, beat up and kill the members of the Black-Hundred gangs, blow up their headquarters, etc., etc.
Tasks of Revolutionary Army Contingents, V.I. Lenin, October 1905, Lenin Collected Works, Progress Publishers

Although that particular call was written during the height of the 1905 Revolution in Russia when the physical clash between opposing forces was at white heat and thus the specific tactical methods advocated are particular to such a period, the call nevertheless expressed an overall political perspective completely relevant to “normal times”: that the fascists need to be shut down rather than merely debated.

The Capitalist Authorities Are Not Allies in the Struggle against Fascism

Sydney, 19 July 2015: Police brutalise anti-racism activists counter-demonstrating against a rally by the extreme racist “Reclaim Australia” movement. Since police serve the same capitalist ruling class whom the fascists and their race-hate ideology truly serve, they are heavily biased towards supporting the fascists in any standoff with anti-fascists.
Sydney, 19 July 2015: Police brutalise anti-racism activists counter-demonstrating against a rally by the extreme racist “Reclaim Australia” movement. Since police serve the same capitalist ruling class whom the fascists and their race-hate ideology truly serve, they are heavily biased towards supporting the fascists in any standoff with anti-fascists.

Since the CPA stance is representative of that of the whole liberal-pacifist wing of the anti-fascist movement it is worth analysing their strategy further. This strategy is outlined in a favourable assessment that Peter Mac makes of an Adelaide anti-Reclaim protest organiser:

Adelaide pastor Brad Chilcott observed with regard to the public’s impression of events: ‘Your audience is not the racists you’re shouting at, but the people watching at home. … [But] those watching at home … couldn’t tell the difference between the good guys and the bad. Then politicians have to condemn the violence on both sides, rather than [giving] an undiluted message condemning bigotry.
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So we see that the strategy of the CPA and small-liberals like Chilcott is for anti-racist rallies to be tepid enough to encourage mainstream politicians to condemn bigotry. But it is precisely the policies and statements of the mainstream pro-capitalist politicians that are encouraging the bigots! Barely a week goes by without the right-wing Coalition government heaping a new insult upon Aboriginal and coloured ethnic communities. And barely a week goes by without the ALP Opposition signing onto or otherwise acquiescing to such insults.

How openly the ruling class politicians are contributing to the rise of the fascists was seen when government MP, George Christensen, actually spoke at the 19 July 2015 Reclaim demonstration in Mackay, Queensland. Furthermore, when asked about Christensen’s decision to openly support the event, foreign minister July Bishop refused to make even the faintest condemnation of Christensen or the “Reclaim” movement, deviously claiming that, “I don’t know anything about the organisation. I certainly haven’t been briefed on it.” Even before this outrage, the mainstream politicians had already openly pumped up the “Reclaim Australia” forces. Barely a month after the first set of “Reclaim” rallies, the Senate decided to hold an inquiry into halal certification (under the guise of an inquiry into food certification) thereby giving credence to the looney premise of the “Reclaim” fascists that money paid for halal certification is being used to “finance terrorism.”

Melbourne, 18 July 2015: Police viciously attack anti-racism protesters demonstrating against a rally by the far-right Reclaim Australia/United Patriots Front groups. Police did everything to facilitate the rally by the racist violence-inciting fascist groups.
Melbourne, 18 July 2015: Police viciously attack
anti-racism protesters demonstrating against a rally by the far-right Reclaim Australia/United Patriots Front groups. Police did everything to facilitate the rally by the racist violence-inciting fascist groups.

Sorry, Mr Chilcott and the CPA: the mainstream politicians are a big part of the problem and are not and cannot in the future be part of the solution! Indeed, especially after the global capitalist recession that commenced in 2008, ruling politicians around the capitalist world have brought far-right forces more and more into the mainstream. They have done this through adoption of their ideas, through sanctioning of them as “legitimate” voices to be addressed and even – in the cases of Switzerland, Latvia and Ukraine – through their inclusion in coalition governments. Here, the same trend is happening and it is driven by, more or less, the same economic reality. As the fall in the prices of iron ore and other commodities (from the exorbitant levels with which Australian mining bosses had previously been ripping off Asian neighbours with) reduces the profits of the Australian capitalist ruling class, they are seeking to make up for this by more viciously exploiting the masses. To enable them to achieve this, the ruling class is seeking to kill off the chance of working class resistance by poisoning mass sentiments with a large dose of nationalism.

Reflecting worry amongst their working class base, a very small number of ALP politicians have spoken out – albeit mostly quite meekly – against the “Reclaim” movement. Yet, even in the highly unlikely event that mainstream politicians were to do a U-turn and formally stand en masse against the fascists that would not do all that much to stop actual violent racist attacks. Any legal measures instituted against the white supremacist thugs would have to be implemented by a police force and court system that has proven itself, time after time, to favour the far-right racists against anti-racists. This was seen all too clearly over the 18/19 July 2015  weekend. In Melbourne, police went all out to ensure that the Reclaim racists and their even more extreme United Patriots Front (UPF) breakaway group could hold their racist-violence manufacturing hate rallies. This included indiscriminately unleashing pepper spray against anti-fascist protesters. Police were so gung-ho about attacking anti-fascists with pepper spray that one of their capsicum spray barrages even hit street medics treating anti-racist protesters who had previously been overcome by the spray as well as these same victims of the spray who were receiving treatment.  A widely circulated photograph showing the police high-fiving a UPF fascist (!) at the Melbourne race-hate rally, quite neatly and horribly captured the essence of the police stance.

Showing which side they are on! A policeman publicly high-fives a member of the fascist United Patriots Front during their 18 July 2015 race-hate rally in Melbourne. As a core part of the capitalist state, the police in this current system cannot be allies in the anti-fascist struggle but are, instead, a major force impeding the fight against fascism.
Showing which side they are on! A policeman publicly high-fives a member of the fascist United Patriots Front during their 18 July 2015 race-hate rally in Melbourne. As a core part of the capitalist state, the police in this current system cannot be allies in the anti-fascist struggle but are, instead, a major force impeding the fight against fascism.

Yet, an Editorial in the CPA’s The Guardian issue just after the July 18/19 events promoted the police as a force against the rise of the fascists. This Editorial stated:

Police, including NSW deputy commissioner Nick Kaldas, are worried about the proliferation of right-wing racist and white supremacist groups….
“The deputy commissioner is on the right track about incidents taking place overseas and those in Australia seeking to take advantage of them.
The Guardian, 22 July 2015

This same police force and police leadership that the CPA is praising in its Editorial just days before attacked the Sydney anti-“Reclaim” protest on July 19. Even before the official start time for the anti-fascist event was reached, the police physically and aggressively dragged anti-racist protesters away from their planned rally point so that the fascists could rally there unimpeded. The NSW police arrested five anti-racist protesters. Meanwhile, they devoted many resources to organising protective escorts for extreme white supremacist groups entering and leaving the “Reclaim” rally. One group of anarchist, anti-racist protesters was, on the other hand, roughed up by police after they left the anti-racist demonstration with at least one anti-racist being hurled by police against a telephone booth.

To be sure, the CPA Editorial did also make some very good points about how the “leadership of this wave of intolerance can be found at the very `top’ of society, including in Australia’s parliament” – correct arguments that actually undercut the perspective promoted by Brad Chilcott which was lauded in the earlier article by Peter Mac. However, to promote the police as a force against fascism not only flies in the face of police actions against anti-fascists on the 18/19 July 2015  weekend and the whole ongoing history of racist police terror against Aboriginal people but directly contradicts Lenin’s teachings on the nature of the state. Leninists understand that in a capitalist society, the state – which the police, courts, army and prisons are at the core of – consists of armed bodies of people whose job it is to enforce the rule of the capitalist class over the exploited masses. Thus, the capitalist state organs like the police serve the same class as the fascists do. The police do the daily work of maintaining capitalist rule. The fascists back that up by acting to poison working class unity and intimidating staunch anti-capitalists while the ruling class keeps them as an attack dog on a leash ready to be unleashed when serious threats to capitalist rule emerge. That is why not only have the police been siding with the fascists in the standoffs with anti-racists over the last period but in the future the capitalists’ police can never be an ally in the struggle against fascism. Defeating the growing threat from far-right extremists can only be accomplished through mass, direct action on the streets by the organised working class united with coloured ethnic communities, Aboriginal people and all the other intended victims of the fascists.

Learning Lessons from the Past

In basing their anti-fascist strategy on the hope that either mainstream capitalist politicians or the capitalist state organs themselves can be pushed into stopping the fascists, the CPA is aping the disastrous policy of the German Social Democratic Party (SPD) in the period leading up to Hitler’s Nazis’ seizure of power in the early 1930s. Then, as SPD workers and youth began to courageously fight Nazi forces on the streets, the leadership of the SPD, at the time the biggest party based on the German working class, quelled this struggle. They turned the Iron Front for Resistance against Fascism, which the SPD had itself created, into an electoral machine for electing the monarchist capitalist politician Hindenburg whom they hoped would save them from Hitler. The curbing of the struggle to physically stop the fascist forces allowed the Nazis to grow stronger, take physical control of more and more streets and gain much in confidence. Meanwhile, far from saving the SPD from the Nazis, Hindenburg eventually appointed Hitler as chancellor as the mainstream of the ruling class realised that only fascism could save capitalist rule in Germany!

Unfortunately, the German Communist Party (KPD), which had by then degenerated alongside the bureaucratic degeneration (but not destruction) of the Soviet workers state, also followed a bankrupt approach, albeit from more sincere intentions. The KPD first underestimated the danger of the Nazis and, partly in reaction to the very real anti-working class treachery of the SPD, refused to organise united-front actions with the SPD to oppose the Nazi threat to both their organisations. Later, as Hitler’s forces grew stronger, KPD leaders became paralysed and came to see a Nazi triumph as inevitable.

However, Hitler could have been stopped! The murderous beheading of the German workers movement, the Holocaust of Jewish people and the brutality of the Nazi’s war on the USSR could have been prevented! What was required at the time was what the Trotskyist Left Opposition was urgently calling for: a united-front of the working class to physically stop the fascists – something which the most conscious workers felt the need for but which was counterpoised to the reformist capitulations of the SPD leaders and which the zig-zagging KPD could not bring itself to fight for. Understanding that the pacifist SPD leaders would always resist and foot drag on such a strategy and that in the long-run fascism could not be defeated without breaking the rank and file supporters of the social democracy away from their sellout leaders and winning them to allegiance to the communist party – Trotsky (following the program of Lenin’s Bolsheviks) outlined that the basis of united front struggle is not only unity in action but complete political independence of the different components of such a front including full freedom to criticise each other’s programs.

Right now, Australia is not in immediate danger of a Hitler-style takeover. However, the growing fascist forces are already doing harm to workers’ unity and are already perpetrating and inciting the preliminary test-runs of the huge future pogroms that they would like to commit. We need united-front action of the working class right now to physically crush the fascists while they are still crawling out of their eggs.

And that is the point! To tell anti-racists to confine themselves to politely explaining what is wrong with racism in the face of a movement that perpetrates and incites violence is to disarm and damage the anti-racist struggle. It is following the road of the German social democratic leaders who in the lead up to Hitler’s seizure of power were saying that so long as the Nazis do not quit the ground of legality, there is no room for an on the streets fight to physically stop them! That is why as part of the struggle to build a working class-based mass movement to sweep the racist filth off the streets, those activists who understand the need for such a perspective must explain to other anti-fascists why a strategy of seeking to pressure the capitalist authorities to act against the right-wing extremists is, as history itself proves, inevitably doomed to fail.

In September 2010 racist police used the bogus pretext of a noise complaint to brutalise Aboriginal woman, Tisha Hickey, at the end of her own 21st birthday party. The violent police attack caused bruises and cuts to her leg, arms and abdomen. Tisha is a relative of TJ Hickey, the 17 year-old Aboriginal youth who was killed by racist police in Redfern in February 2004. Since TJ’s murder, police have used violence and harassment to persecute his family and relatives for their refusal to give up the fight for justice for TJ. The official violence of the police, detention centre guards and spy agencies emboldens the violent far-right racist groups.
In September 2010 racist police used the bogus pretext of a noise complaint to brutalise Aboriginal woman, Tisha Hickey, at the end of her own 21st birthday party. The violent police attack caused bruises and cuts to her leg, arms and abdomen. Tisha is a relative of TJ Hickey, the 17 year-old Aboriginal youth who was killed by racist police in Redfern in February 2004. Since TJ’s murder, police have used violence and harassment to persecute his family and relatives for their refusal to give up the fight for justice for TJ. The official violence of the police, detention centre guards and spy agencies emboldens the violent far-right racist groups.

 

 

 

 

 

SMASH THE CUTS TO SERVICES WORKING CLASS PEOPLE NEED THE MOST!

Above: China, May 2013: Prospective tenants visit a new public rental housing complex in Shanghai. In the first nine and a half months of 2015, socialistic China had started construction of almost 7 million public housing units. The Chinese government has planned for 18 million public housing dwellings to be built or rebuilt between 2015 and 2017.

STOP THE SELL-OFF OF PUBLIC HOUSING!
MASSIVELY INCREASE PUBLIC HOUSING JUST LIKE SOCIALISTIC CHINA IS DOING!

On 16 July 2015, a speakout rally was held in the multi-racial working class Sydney suburb of Auburn to oppose the cuts by governments of all stripes to public services. The protest was held under the slogans, Smash the Cuts to Services Working Class People Need the Most! Stop the Sell-Off Public Housing. Massively Increase Public Housing – Just Like China is Doing. No to Abbott’s Squeezing of Public Hospitals and Schools. Rollback the Former ALP Government’s Cut to the Sole Parent Payment.

The demonstration was held because the capitalist big-end of town and the governments that serve them are waging all-sided attacks on the services that working class people need the most. These attacks, alongside bosses’ cuts to workers’ conditions, are making life harder and harder for working class people. Whether we are employed workers, unemployed workers, single mothers, pensioners or students, we are all feeling the pinch.

One of the crucial public services that are under attack is public housing. We need public housing because the greedy private sector developers who determine what is built in the private sector know that they can make a lot more money building expensive homes for the wealthy rather than affordable homes for the masses.

Bulli, 11 October 2014: Members of the Illawara-based Public Housing Union and pro-public housing activists from Sydney – including Millers Point residents and Trotskyist Platform supporters – protest the sell-off of yet another public housing dwelling as yuppy real estate agents conducting the sale look on.
Bulli, 11 October 2014: Members of the Illawara-based Public Housing Union and pro-public housing activists from Sydney – including Millers Point residents and Trotskyist Platform supporters – protest the sell-off of yet another public housing dwelling as yuppy real estate agents conducting the sale look on.

So we need low-rent public housing to alleviate this situation. But what are governments doing? The very opposite! From Millers Point and the Rocks in the inner city to Auburn, Bonyrigg and Claymore in western and south-western Sydney to Bellambi and Wollongong in the Illawara, the authorities are selling off or demolishing public Continue reading SMASH THE CUTS TO SERVICES WORKING CLASS PEOPLE NEED THE MOST!

Casual & Low Paid Workers in Non-Union Worksites Face Extreme Exploitation

 

Workers at Ausreo’s Western Sydney plant picket the site. After maintaining a picket line for 10 weeks and with solidarity from other trade unionists, the workers, members of the AMWU trade union, triumphed in their battle for improved pay and conditions. Class struggle is the road to defending workers rights.
Workers at Ausreo’s Western Sydney plant picket the site. After maintaining a picket line for 10 weeks and with solidarity from other trade unionists, the workers, members of the AMWU trade union, triumphed in their battle for improved pay and conditions. Class struggle is the road to defending workers rights.

Casual & Low Paid Workers in Non-Union Worksites Face Extreme Exploitation.

Unions Waging Militant Struggle Can Inspire the Unionisation of Currently Unorganised Workers

13 November 2015 – They often work on gruelling – and sometimes dangerous – night shifts. However, they have been paid as low as $10 an hour for that work. That has been the fate of hundreds upon hundreds of workers at Australis’s biggest convenience store chain, 7-Eleven. Details of this horrific exploitation has emerged in the media over the last five years. This is hardly just a case of an odd rogue franchisee or two. When the company, under pressure to be seen to be correcting its practices, audited its franchises in July, even it had to admit that 69% of the stores were illegally underpaying workers. However, insiders believe that this figure is, actually, closer to 100%.

The scale of the exploitation is truly frightening. Franchises have systematically used a practice where they would pay workers $12 an hour – half the award rate – and then cook the books to look like they worked only for half the hours that they actually did. Sometimes the bosses would then assign the other hours to ghost workers – often their own relatives – to look like the hours have been covered. Most workers were not paid penalty rates for weekend and night work or overtime rates for shifts longer than ten hours.

Many of the exploited workers were on student visas. Draconian measures restricting the rights of those on student visas as well as the racist vigour with which the Australian authorities are known to deport immigrants from Asian, Middle Eastern and African backgrounds greatly assisted the exploiters. Those on student visas ae banned from working over 20 hours a week. However, because 7-Eleven bosses were grossly underpaying their workers – in some case workers received a flat rate of just $10 an hour for shifts which, with penalties, should have earned them $37 an hour – workers were forced to work twice as long as they wanted to. The bosses then used the fact that the workers had exceeded the 20 hours per week limit to threaten to get the workers deported if they  complained or … in some cases even if they left their jobs! The worst bosses even refused to pay some workers anything for months. One former 7-Eleven worker, Prakash Kumar, reported that he found a co-worker rummaging in the bins for old sandwiches because he hadn’t been paid for eight weeks (The Sydney Morning Herald, 23 September 2015).

The story of Sam Pendem, an international student from India, is typical of the workers who have suffered at the hands of 7-Eleven bosses. Pendem came to Australia in 2011 with three university degrees. He worked at three different stores under four franchisees in the Gold Coast region. His tale of suffering was reported in an article in The Sydney Morning Herald (29 August 2015) as part of a series of exposés:

“Pendem still has nightmares from his time working at 7-Eleven, where he worked long shifts of up to 16 hours without a proper break.

“He was robbed twice in the space of 18 hours by a man in a balaclava brandishing a long serrated knife. Both times his boss scolded him for not fighting back to stop the robber taking $180….

“Pendem was paid $10 an hour at one store and $14 an hour at another store, which is well below the award rate of more than $24 an hour – not including penalty rates for working nights, weekends or public holidays.”

No wonder a whistle blower within 7-Eleven head office described the company’s operations this way:

“the business is very proud of itself and the achievements and the money it’s made and the success it’s had, but the reality is it’s built on something not much different from slavery.”

7-Eleven: The Price of Convenience, Four Corners, ABC TV – http://www.abc.net.au/4corners/stories/2015/08/30/4301164.htm

The owners of 7-Eleven have tried to claim that it is all the franchisees’ fault. The franchisee bosses have, indeed, proved by and large to be utterly ruthless capitalist bullies. However, the 7-Eleven owners were also up to their necks in it. They knew that their franchisees were ripping off the workers but deliberately allowed it – and very likely organised it as well since franchisees in different parts of the country seemed to all know the same scams. As a whistle blower pointed out about 7-Eleven’s head office bosses on Adele Ferguson and Klaus Toft’s Four Corners investigation: this exploitation “was a fundamental part of their business. They can’t run 7-Eleven as profitably or as successfully as they have without letting this happen.” The 7-Eleven owners encouraged their franchisees to brutally exploit their workers by running the business on the model where the head office takes 57% of gross profit while the franchisees take the remaining 43% out of which wages must be paid. The company owners, in effect, outsourced the super-exploitation task to the franchisees.

The greedy capitalists who own 7-Eleven have made a killing from all their cruel exploitation.  Last year, the company made a profit of over $1.4 billion. The owners of the company – Australians Russ Withers and his sister Bev Barlow – are billionaires who, as well as owning 7-Eleven, control the Starbucks café chain in Australia and 300 Mobil stores. Earlier in the year, Barlow bought a seaside mansion in Brighton for over $20 million while Withers main place of residence is a 250,000 square metre property in Victoria’s Yarra Valley wine district estimated to be worth about $10 million.

Where do the fruits of the labour of 7-Eleven workers end up? Paying for the extravagant lifestyle of the owners of this Australian-owned company. Exploiting 7-Eleven workers has made company owners Russ Withers (Top Right) and his sister Bev Barlow filthy rich. In June 2015, Withers upgraded his corporate jet to a Challenger 604. A month earlier, Barlow purchased a $20 million mansion in the Melbourne suburb, Brighton (Above Left). Withers for his part lives in a huge mansion in a large property in Victoria’s Yarra Valley wine district (Above Right).
Where do the fruits of the labour of 7-Eleven workers end up? Paying for the extravagant lifestyle of the owners of this Australian-owned company. Exploiting 7-Eleven workers has made company owners Russ Withers (Top Right) and his sister Bev Barlow filthy rich. In June 2015, Withers upgraded his corporate jet to a Challenger 604. A month earlier, Barlow purchased a $20 million mansion in the Melbourne suburb, Brighton (Above Left). Withers for his part lives in a huge mansion in a large property in Victoria’s Yarra Valley wine district (Above Right).

The massive fees that Australian universities and institutes charge international students has made it easier for Withers, Barlow and their franchisees to exploit their workers. The annual fees for some courses exceed the total income that a full-time worker on the minimum wage would earn in an entire year! Many international students, desperate for any work to be able to pay these fees, have been forced to accept terrible conditions at workplaces like 7-Eleven. Those students who have been forced to work more than 20 hours per week to get by – while somehow trying to pass exams – are then blackmailed by their bosses who threaten to dob them into the racist immigration authorities.

The slave-owner-like bosses have also been protected by the Fair Work regulator’s deliberately soft approach to the illegal practices of the 7-Eleven bosses. This approach was taken both during the time of the current Liberal government and during the administration of the former Labor government. Workers at 7-Eleven stores and union activists first raised the alarm about what the 7-Eleven bosses were doing over five years ago. However, in response, the Fair Work Ombudsman merely asked some franchisees to do a “self audit” and then only looked at the books of a few of the franchisees that did. Fair Work refused the calls from activists to compare store timesheets with the cash register logins which would have helped to detect some of the timesheet frauds conducted by 7-Eleven franchise bosses. No wonder the 7-Eleven bosses felt confident to continue their extreme exploitation of their workers. It was only after the outrage against 7-Eleven had become so widespread that some four years later – in September 2014 – did the Fair Work Ombudsman organise a raid of some stores. Twenty stores were raided and 60% of these were found to be illegally underpaying staff. Yet as we go to press only two franchise bosses are facing any legal action – a drop in the ocean compared to the 225 franchises in existence – the vast majority of which are suspected of illegally underpaying workers. Meanwhile, even in cases where Fair Work has found that workers were being underpaid, many workers are still yet to be reimbursed. As we go to press, one worker, Mohamed Rashid Ullat Thodi, hasn’t even been reimbursed a full four years after the 7–Eleven store in Victoria that was ripping him off was ruled to be underpaying its workers.

It is only due to the brave defiance of some 7-Eleven workers – who risked deportation and having their years of study count for nothing – as well as the support of union activists that the extreme exploitation of 7-Eleven workers has been brought to light. As a result, some workers finally have received the back pay they are due – not that this could adequately make up for the years of suffering and threats they have endured. For these workers to even begin to be properly compensated, their bosses should be made to pay back to these workers several times the amount of wages they had previously withheld!

7-Eleven Outrage Not an Exception but the Tip of the Iceberg

The revelations around the semi-slavery at 7-Eleven have led to the news organisations that broke the story being flooded with similar accounts of extreme exploitation at takeaway outlets, restaurants, petrol stations, nail bars and many high-profile franchise networks (The Sydney Morning Herald, 1 October 2015). Furthermore, it is far from simply international students and those on other temporary visas who are copping 7-Eleven-style exploitation in Australia. Nor is the oppression of workers confined to simply gross underpayment of wages. Alongside the bosses ripping off workers’ labour comes their bullying and intimidation of workers. One former employee at the Subway restaurant in Granville, a Trotskyist Platform supporter, described the arrogance with which the boss, known as “Johnny”, treated workers. “Johnny”made it a habit of humiliating workers by yelling at them in front of customers. On several occasions, he threw the food prepared for customers by workers down on the floor claiming that it was not prepared properly and then proceeded to badmouth the workers to the customers. It is disgusting that any worker should be abused and humiliated in this way – doubly so given that these casual workers already had to put up with terrible conditions where they could be called early in the morning and pressured into doing a shift. Those who refused to heel would simply be punished by having other shifts withheld. “Johnny” was notorious for especially picking on workers of Indian background. As is often the case with oppressors of workers, they have a racist edge to them as well – something that is today encouraged by the racist social climate created by bi-partisan attacks on refugees and racist “anti-terror” laws.

Particularly harsh exploitation of workers in Australia has increased with the growing casualization of the workforce – a phenomenon that has occurred over the last three and a half decades in nearly all capitalist countries. The proportion of workers in casual employment in Australia has increased from 16% in 1984 (Transitions from Casual Employment in Australia, Project 09/05, Hielke Buddelmeyer, Mark Wooden and Suzan Ghantous) to 24% today (Casual employment in Australia: a quick guide, Parliament of Australia Research Paper, 20 January 2015). When we include workers on short term contracts, we find that 35% of the workforce are either casual or on contract (ABC News website, 17 June 2015). That’s a large chunk of the workforce with virtually zero job security.

All of these are directly linked to the masculinity, low libido is considered as a threatening to conjugal unica-web.com levitra soft relationship. Acai is very good for viagra shop usa your heart. Attending meetings such as Al-Anon can be online viagra store very helpful to learn more about their benefits. It is one of the effective cures used for semen discharge unica-web.com purchase cheap viagra after urination treatment. It is worth noting that while under capitalist Australia’s laws workers can be kept indefinitely on the insecure status of being casuals or on repeated short-term contracts, in the socialistic Peoples Republic of China (PRC), Article 14 of a pro-worker industrial relations law introduced in 2008 decrees that as soon as a worker on a fixed-term contract has their contract renewed once, that worker automatically becomes a permanent employee – if they so choose – once they finish their second term and the employer has not been able to prove that they are incompetent. Furthermore this PRC labour law – implemented in the face of howls of protest from Western corporations operating in China – does not allow for workers to be hired on a casual basis. If an employer wants to use workers on a short term, casual basis they must obtain workers from a labour-hire company which, by Article 58 of China’s labour law, must retain workers for a minimum period of two years and must pay them the minimum wage for any time that they are not placed – therefore giving these workers considerably more stability than casual workers in Australia. The fact that China had to pull itself up from the immense poverty of its pre-1949 days when it was a backward neo-colony added to its lack of natural resources relative to its huge population means that Australia is a lot wealthier than China currently is and, therefore, Australian corporations can offer higher wages here. Nevertheless, in the socialistic PRC workers enjoy more workplace rights and much better job security than workers do in capitalist Australia.

It is not only bosses engaged in illegal practices who are especially cruelly exploiting workers in Australia. There are millions of workers toiling for low – but legal – wages as factory process workers, cleaners, hospitality workers, retail workers, farm labourers and childcare workers. Typical of what these workers face can be seen in the work conditions at food processing company, Beak & Johnston. Owned by multi-millionaire CEO David Beak, the rapidly expanding company had a total revenue of 300 million dollars in 2013. Through the efforts of its workers, Beak & Johnston is not only a major supplier of fresh and chilled meat products but is also Australia’s largest fresh soups and ready meals maker. Yet the Australian-owned company makes its workers suffer low pay and poor working conditions. Last year, several Beak & Johnston workers told Trotskyist Platform of the working conditions that they face. One worker who had been there for around five years said she receives only just over $17 an hour – barely above the national minimum wage – even though she and her fellow workers had to toil hard in a cold, uncomfortable work environment. Newer workers are getting only the minimum wage which is currently $586 per week after tax ($656 before tax). To see how low that is, consider this: this weekly wage that many Beak & Johnston workers are receiving is only $176 more than the median weekly rent for units in Greenacre and only $26 more than the median weekly rent for houses in this working class suburb in Southwest Sydney where Beak & Johnston’s main facility is located! The management at Beak & Johnston workers has a reputation for unfairly driving workers to work faster and some managers are known to shout abuse at workers in front of their co-workers. Casual workers are treated especially badly. Workers reported that there was a steady stream of casual workers being hired and then dismissed after a short period. It seems that the company employs a strategy of hiring a certain amount of casuals that they can drive especially hard – knowing that these workers would feel insecure without the benefits of permanent employment. However, once these workers were in the workplace long enough to form friendship bonds with permanent workers and the confidence to resist bullying from the management, they would then be summarily laid off. No wonder David Beak and his henchmen have fiercely resisted efforts to build union coverage at Beak & Johnston. Over the last year however, the Australian Meat Industry Employees Union and the National Union of Workers have made more determined efforts to recruit Beak & Johnston workers to their unions.

Poor working conditions and bullying of workers are prevalent even in sectors where most of the workers are white collar and skilled. Take the IT application and infrastructure business industry. Thousands upon thousands of IT professionals work for companies like UNISYS, Datacom and HP Enterprise in providing data handling and IT support services for major government departments and corporations. One worker at a major firm in this industry, Datacom, told Trotskyist Platform of the work conditions at his workplace. He said that management produce statistics about each worker’s work like the number of customer issues that they address (as is typical for capitalist firms the bosses care about the appearance of quality to their customers and not about the actual quality of work – just look at Volkswagen-Audi!). These statistics are then shown to everyone and those workers not meeting arbitrary performance targets have their statistics shown in red. The statistics are used to drive workers harder through the crude methods of embarrassment and intimidation. Through the pretext of these “performance” statistics, several workers have been sacked while other workers on fixed-term contract have been effectively dismissed through the company refusing to renew their contracts.

It is the sizeable proportion of workers without permanency whose life is made especially stressful by the bosses’ use of “performance measures” to threaten workers. Like many businesses throughout Australia, Datacom likes having workers without permanency as it uses these workers’ understandable feeling of job insecurity to squeeze yet more from them and thus drive down the conditions of all workers. Some workers who have been employed for up to four years have been refused the relative security of permanency – instead repeatedly getting fixed term, six-month contracts. This system of keeping workers stressed and insecure through short contracts, “performance” statistics and occasional sackings – as well as paying their workers low wages relative to these workers’ skills and output – have enabled Datacom to squeeze out a huge profit. Datacom’s 2014 Annual Report showed that it made an annual, after tax profit of over $51 million dollars. That amounted to a whopping 33% annual return on shareholders invested funds. At that rate, Datacom’s main owner, New Zealander John Holdsworth’s $86 million invested in the firm will turn into nearly $350m in just nine years – all without doing a shred of work himself! No wonder Holdsworth was already near the top of the latest NZ rich list with a total wealth of $200 million (see NZ’s National Business Review rich list – http://www.nbr.co.nz/rich-list-2014).

Build Up Our Trade Unions and Turn Them into Organisations of Militant Workers Resistance

The most extreme exploitation and bullying of workers in Australia has often occurred at workplaces where no strong trade union presence exists. One on one against a capitalist boss – who has the power to sack workers – a worker has no chance. It is through unity with fellow workers – and unions are in essence organisations of workers’ unity – that workers gain the power to successfully resist capitalist exploiters. Of course, having every worker in a union is not by itself a guarantee against extreme exploitation. Casualisation of the workforce has spread so much in Australia over the last three decades that even some workers in the most strongly unionised sectors are toiling away without the security of permanency. Thus, in today’s stevedoring industry – a sector where union membership is almost universal amongst workers and which is known for staunch unions – many wharfies working for the major stevedoring firms like DP World do not have permanency. Yet it is through building our unions – and just as importantly through turning these unions into organisations of militant class struggle – that workers can fight back.

11 August 2015: Hutchison Port workers and their supporters picket the company’s Port Botany terminal. The workers while on strike maintained a picket line that successfully stopped all truck flow and ensured no scabbing. To the credit of the workers and the MUA leadership, the strike and picket were maintained in defiance of a typically anti-strike ruling from the “Fair Work Commission.” However, the MUA leadership’s subsequent calling off of the strike, in obedience of a Fair Work Commission arrangement to negotiate with the company, has dissipated the power shown in the initial struggle. Despite the company being held back by workers solidarity from overseas dock workers, If the strike is not resumed, the workers and union will likely be forced to accept some redundancies and/or the turning of permanent jobs into casual ones.
11 August 2015: Hutchison Port workers and their supporters picket the company’s Port Botany terminal. The workers while on strike maintained a picket line that successfully stopped all truck flow and ensured no scabbing. To the credit of the workers and the MUA leadership, the strike and picket were maintained in defiance of a typically anti-strike ruling from the “Fair Work Commission.” However, the MUA leadership’s subsequent calling off of the strike, in obedience of a Fair Work Commission arrangement to negotiate with the company, has dissipated the power shown in the initial struggle. Despite the company being held back by workers solidarity from overseas dock workers, If the strike is not resumed, the workers and union will likely be forced to accept some redundancies and/or the turning of permanent jobs into casual ones.

Currently, it is often in the newer sectors of the economy – like IT support firms and call centres – where union representation is weakest. This is because these sectors have developed at a time when the union movement has suffered a number of defeats, has been hit by anti-strike laws and been weakened by the reluctance of its pro-ALP leaders to unleash its industrial muscle. Thus, when they look at what is happening in the rest of the workforce, many often young workers in newer sectors do not understand the potential of unions to win real gains for workers. In contrast, in older industries where a strong union presence already exists, young workers joining firms are given an understanding of the importance of unions through contact with existing, proudly union, workers.

Unions have had some success in organising a few call centres. But what is needed is an aggressive union organising campaign throughout the workforce to organise currently non-union workers. This means already union-conscious workers persistently and patiently discussing the importance of workers organising with their co-workers, it means secret out of work meetings between interested workers and union activists and – when the time and forces are right – open struggle against the bosses for workers’ rights. It is through exposure to hard-fought struggles that workers are often recruited into unions and, in any case, that’s exactly how our trade unions were built up in the first place.

The success that class-conscious workers have in unionising currently non-union workplaces depends a lot on not only what they and unions do in these workplaces but on what happens in currently unionised sites. When workers in non-unionised workplaces and in insecure, casual jobs see unions throughout the country fighting aggressively for workers’ rights, it will raise their level of class awareness and encourage them to build unions in their own workplaces. The problem is that they have seen far too little of unions unleashing powerful industrial action. When militant workers press their union leaders for such action, the pro-ALP officials often respond that they would like such a struggle but the various anti-strike industrial laws prevent such action. Indeed, there are a host of anti-strike laws that have been brought in and maintained by Liberal and ALP governments alike – from laws criminalising secondary strikes (i.e. strikes in solidarity with workers on strike at another workplace) to laws restricting the time periods when strikes can be launched. These often carry with them penalties of hefty fines and even threats of jail. Yet, because it is workers’ very labour that is the source of the ruling class’ profits and wealth, workers when united can force the government to shy away from using its own laws for fear of provoking workers into unleashing still more powerful industrial action. This was seen this August in the early days of the struggle of Maritime Union of Australia (MUA) waterfront workers against the retrenching of 97 workers in Sydney’s Port Botany and Brisbane by port operator, Hutchison Ports Australia. Workers at the two Hutchison terminals responded to the job slashing by walking off the job and, with the help of unionists from other workplaces, picketed the sites. Solidarity statements flooded into the pickets from trade unionists from around the globe – including from Hong Kong port workers who two years earlier had waged a 40 day strike against Hutchison’s Hong Kong terminal. Meanwhile, the Port Botany picket received support from other oppressed groups including contingents from supporters of the Redfern Aboriginal Tent Embassy and activists from the LGBTI community. The pickets at the Hutchison terminals successfully stopped all trucks attempting to bring goods into the struck sites. Importantly, workers maintained the picket in defiance of an order by the industrial court, the Fair Work Commission, to end the picket. However, the government and courts did not dare fine the workers or their union. They knew not only the strategic industrial power that dock workers had but also the level of support the MUA workers were receiving from other trade unionists and embattled sectors of society. After seven days of the solid picket lines ensuring no scab goods entering or leaving the terminals, the bosses’ courts, the Fair Work Commission, realised that it needed to make a partial concession to workers in order to defuse the struggle. It ordered that the sacked workers be reinstated until negotiations between the union and company were held and a future court hearing dealt with the matter.

The power shown by the Hutchison workers’ strike and their defiance of the industrial courts seemed to help trigger a brief period of greater union action throughout the country. For example, in the six weeks that followed the Hutchison pickets, Melbourne rail and tram workers defied loud condemnations by bosses organisations, the Andrews Labor government and the mainstream media to stage five separate half-day public transport strikes. Unfortunately, after the Fair Work Commission was forced to grant the retrenched Hutchison workers a temporary reprieve, the MUA leaders called off the strike and picket even though there was no guarantee that workers would permanently get their job backs. Indeed Hutchison, while continuing to pay the workers that they had previously retrenched, has provocatively refused to give these workers any shifts – a tactic aimed at demoralising and intimidating the workers. As we go to press, Hutchison workers and the MUA are maintaining a protest camp outside Hutchison’s Port Botany site. However, without company profits being hurt by industrial action, the bosses have the upper hand. If strike action is not re-started, the Hutchison bosses seem to be set to get away with retrenching at least some of the workers.

The presence of the anti-strike laws do mean that winning strikes requires that our unions be prepared to go all the way to win. Every threat to use – or actual use – of anti-union laws must be met by a still wider and more powerful mobilisation of workers. Yet it is precisely such upping of the ante that the current social democratic union leadership do not want. They see improvements in workers’ rights coming mainly through ALP governments that would softly-softly seek to gain a concession or two from the capitalist bosses without upsetting them too much. Hard fought strikes get in the way of such a perspective. Yet, this perspective has proven to be a losing one. It is a losing strategy for the simple reason that, especially with capitalism worldwide lurching from one economic crisis to another, the exploiting class is unwilling to grant even the slightest concession to workers without a fight. It is this strategy of trying to improve workers’ rights without overly upsetting the capitalist rulers that has greatly contributed to the workers movement suffering a series of defeats over the last three decades or more. Since the early 1980s, under both right-wing Liberal/National governments and social-democratic ALP administered governments, workplace conditions have worsened, more and more workers are toiling in insecure casual jobs, the share of company income going to the bosses as profits over workers’ wages has skyrocketed and social services that most affect working class people, like public housing, has been eroded.

Lacking a perspective of militant class struggle, the current, pro-ALP leaders often promote the vey false idea that favouring “Aussie workers first” over guest workers and temporary residents can protect local workers’ jobs and conditions. Similarly, they make protectionist appeals to favour Australian corporations over overseas producers in the awarding of contracts – from everything from trains to submarines. Yet, favouring one of group of workers over another – in this case locally based workers over guest workers and overseas workers – is a total violation of the very essence of unionism which is the idea that workers must stand united as one to collectively fight for their rights. It is no different to playing into the bosses’ hands at an individual workplace by playing off long-term workers against junior ones. Getting local workers to favour Australian companies and workers over their overseas counterparts only encourages unions abroad to similarly favour their own local producers against their Australian counterparts. In the end all that happens is that workers are divided and the capitalist exploiters everywhere are laughing all the way to the bank.

We need our unions to be run by a program and leadership that is based on the truth that the only way for working class people to defend their rights is through uniting as a class and allying with all the oppressed in a common fight against the capitalist bosses. Anything that destroys workers unity – like divisive calls to favour local workers over their guest and overseas counterparts – is thus harmful to the struggle for workers’ rights. What we need is not protectionism but some hard fought strikes with solid picket lines and solidarity strikes at related workplaces to smash the ruling class’ attacks on weekend and overtime penalty rates and to, instead, extend the applicability of these rates and demand a big increase in workers’ wages overall.  We need to fight for jobs for all by stopping job cuts through industrial action and by forcing company owners to increase their labour force at the expense of their profits. Since anti-strike laws have outlawed the type of full on industrial action methods that are needed – including secondary strikes – our unions need to be prepared to defy those laws. Our unions also need to be willing to defy the rulings of the Fair Work Commission industrial courts which, like the entire current legal system, exists to serve the big end of town capitalists. In meeting threats from the capitalist legal system by raising the level of class struggle we do, of course, understand that the capitalists have a whole state machine – consisting of police, courts, prisons, the military, ASIO and top level bureaucrats – that has been built up to enforce their interests. That is why the struggle of the working class and all the oppressed must finally culminate in the sweeping away of this capitalist edifice and the construction of a new, workers state.

Defending Those Toiling in the Most Insecure, Lowest Paid Jobs is the Duty of the Entire Working Class

When workers in currently non-unionised workplaces see unions throughout society winning gains for workers they will be inspired to build unions in their own workplaces. The union movement as a whole must also defend those workers toiling under the worst conditions in a more direct way: through a nationwide campaign of struggles demanding concrete rights for these workers. Such a struggle would demand that all workers – including part-time, fixed term and currently casual workers – have the rights of permanent workers including a guaranteed weekly number of work hours, restrictions on arbitrarily being sacked and paid holiday, sick and carers’ leave.

The workers movement must also raise demands to address the needs of those groups of workers who are especially exploited. To stop the exorbitant fees that international students pay – as well as the fees that local students pay – forcing desperate students to accept the most grotesque working conditions, we must demand no fees for all local and international TAFE and university students and a genuinely liveable stipend for all students. To stop 7-Eleven style use of threats of deportation to enslave visa-holding workers, our unions must demand that every person living here including international students, 457 visa workers and refugees have the full rights of citizens – including freedom from the threat of deportation. If our unions fought for these demands and also mobilised its members to be in the forefront of the struggle to crush the far-right, racist groups – the ones who have helped to incite the violent racist attacks and abuse that many non-permanent resident workers face in their daily lives – the union movement would quickly win the respect and sympathy of many visa-holding workers.

Women workers suffer an especially high rate of exploitation. The Australian Government’s own Workplace Gender Equality Agency admitted in a September 2015 report that women workers on average earn a massive $284 per week less than male workers. What is more, that gender pay gap has increased from under 15% ten years ago to nearly 18% today – the highest it has been for at least the last twenty years. Meanwhile, women workers are more likely to be working in casual jobs than their male counterparts. This is compounded by the lack of affordable childcare which forces many women workers into insecure casual jobs as their only way of being able to secure employment that may enable them to not be working when they have to meet their kids after school. Therefore, an important task of the workers movement is to struggle for equal pay for equal work, for free, round-the-clock childcare and free and safe, state-provided transport of children from schools to after-school sports and cultural activities and child care centres.

The fight against the exploitation of workers naturally meshes with the struggles of other oppressed sectors – with the fight for the emancipation of women, with struggles against student fees and with the battle against the legal inequality and racism faced by international students, guest workers and coloured migrants. When the working class struggles against their capitalist exploiters it naturally brings them together with Aboriginal people resisting the horrific racist oppression that they continue to face under capitalist rule. Therefore, it is essential that workplace activists at the forefront of the industrial struggle against the bosses be brought together with the most committed activists from other oppressed groups. The organisation that can bring these activists together is a revolutionary workers party. Such a party would ensure that workplace activists do not narrowly focus on only the struggles of their own workplace but see that crucial struggle as part of a broader struggle of the exploited working class and its allies against the capitalist exploiters. This party that we need to build would unite the struggles of the working class and all the oppressed on a united program of opposition to the capitalist system – the root cause of the exploitation of workers, the oppression of women and racist attacks on Aboriginal people and non-white “ethnic” communities. Only when the industry, mines, transport, communications infrastructure and, indeed, the major retail chains have been ripped from the hands of the filthy rich capitalists and placed into the collective hands of the people can we ensure that the 7-Eleven style super-exploitation of millions of low-paid and casual workers in Australia is consigned forever to the dustbin of history. The implementation of such a socialist system would also emancipate the rest of the working class from systematic exploitation and the ever-present threat that exists today of being thrown into unemployment or into an unstable casual job working just a few hours a week for a pittance.

Credit: UNITE union 13 February 2009: More than 100 people protest outside a 7-Eleven store in Geelong, Victoria. The action demanded workers receive unpaid wages and that a worker sacked for making a complaint be reinstated.
Credit: UNITE union
13 February 2009: More than 100 people protest outside a 7-Eleven store in Geelong, Victoria. The action demanded workers receive unpaid wages and that a worker sacked for making a complaint be reinstated.

Crush All the Violent Far Right Racists Through United Mass Action by the Workers Movement

As Neo-Nazi Thugs are Emboldened by the Racist Violence of Police & the Brutal Jailers of the Nauru, Christmas & Manus Island Hell Holes…

Crush All the Violent Far Right Racists Through United Mass Action by the Workers Movement, Aboriginal People, Coloured People and the Left

Sydney: A contingent from the Nurses and Midwives Association were an enthusiastic part of the 11 October 2015 refugee rights rally in Sydney. The most conscious sections of the workers movement understand that opposing racism is a core task for the trade unions. Racism is a poison to workers unity and without workers unity the entire struggle for workers rights is doomed to failure.
Sydney: A contingent from the Nurses and Midwives Association were an enthusiastic part of the 11 October 2015 refugee rights rally in Sydney. The most conscious sections of the workers movement understand that opposing racism is a core task for the trade unions. Racism is a poison to workers unity and without workers unity the entire struggle for workers rights is doomed to failure.

Earlier, over the July 18/19 weekend, some of the most conscious vanguard of the working class had joined thousands of other anti-racists and taken to the streets to hold counter-demonstrations against racist “Reclaim Australia” rallies. The “Reclaim Australia” movement aims to stir up hatred against Muslims. This extreme right wing movement is dominated by neo-Nazis and other white supremacists who seek to fan ignorant racist fears of Muslims and asylum seekers as a way of igniting a wider firestorm of hatred against all people of colour – whether it be people of Middle Eastern origin, South Asians, East Asians, Aboriginal people or Africans

 

22 September 2015 – With the exception of in Queensland, in every city on July 18/19 where anti-racist counter-demonstrations were held they outnumbered the far-right rallies. The most effective counter-demonstration was the July 18 action in Melbourne where over 1,000 anti-racists dwarfed the 150 or so fascists who made it to successive “Reclaim Australia” and United Patriots Front (an even more extreme splinter from Reclaim) rallies. Most importantly, pickets established by the anti-racists in Melbourne managed to stop several dozen of the far-right thugs from even reaching their rally point. However, a massive mobilisation by the police, who were clearly siding with the fascists, ensured that the white supremacists were still able to hold their racist violence-manufacturing mobilisation. Police indiscriminately unleashed pepper spray on anti-racist protesters with around 100 anti-racists affected. One anti-racist protester had a seizure as a result, two had to be hospitalised and medics sent several activists home after they were suffering the after effects of the pepper spray. As a medic explained, these effects included, “hypothermia-like symptoms of shaking and an inability to normalise body temperature.” Meanwhile, police formed a three-deep line to give the fascists a safe escort out of the area following their mobilisation.

In Sydney, 300 anti-racists took part in a counter-demonstration double the size of the July 19 Reclaim rally. However NSW police went out of their way to facilitate the fascist rally. They provided escorts to the racist Party for Freedom to and from the Reclaim rally and kept the anti-racist counter-demonstration a large distance down the street from the Reclaim provocation. When a group that arrived early to the anti-fascist counter-demonstration attempted to establish their rally site – which was to be at the same place where the white supremacist filth were going to hold their rally – police aggressively pushed the anti-racists back down Martin Place two blocks away from where the extreme racists were going to rally. The police outrageously arrested several anti-racists – at least two of whom were charged including a 57 year-old Aboriginal man. All anti-racists and the workers movement must stand in solidarity with the arrested anti-fascists and demand the dropping of all charges.

No doubt buoyed by the police support that they received, several of the extreme racists attempted to provoke the Sydney anti-racist rally. However, when one of the violent racists tried to infiltrate into the anti-racist demonstration he was suitably dealt with by staunch anti-fascists. A more serious threat emerged when later a group of thugs from the openly Neo-Nazi group Squadron 88, wearing their paramilitary uniform, approached the anti-racist protest from the rear. In Nazi-speak, the “88” in Squadron 88 stands for “Heil Hitler” with the 8 representing the letter “H” the eighth letter of the alphabet. However, it is far from simply their name that makes Squadron 88 a menace. This group of violent racists are known to have gatherings from where they pledge to go out and violently beat a random, vulnerable person from a designated non-white race. Thus, one time they will have an “Asian-bash” day, another time an “Indian-bash” then a “N__ger bash” day etc. However, thanks to the meticulous prior research and quick on the spot thinking of a committed anti-fascist who spotted the Squadron 88 thugs as soon as they approached, some of the people in the anti-racist rally were quickly alerted to the threat. A few dozen staunch anti-fascists amongst the anti-racist rally then moved forward as a group towards the Squadron 88 members and eventually chased them away down Martin Place and around the corner into Pitt Street. Furthermore, one of the violent and racist Squadron 88 thugs was taught a painful lesson. That the anti-fascist delivering the lesson was a coloured person made this all the more satisfying a blow against “white supremacy” and the idiotic Nazi notions of a “white master race.”

Trotskyist Platform banner, placards and leaflets at the July 19, anti-racist rally in Sydney promoted the strategy of trade union contingents uniting with coloured people and anti-racists to crush the fascist scum.
Trotskyist Platform banner, placards and leaflets at the July 19, anti-racist rally in Sydney promoted the strategy of trade union contingents uniting with coloured people and anti-racists to crush the fascist scum.

Yet by and large, with support from the police, the extreme right-wing forces were able to hold their racist violence-inciting demonstration in Sydney unhindered. The same was the case throughout Australia – and partially the case even in Melbourne. Thus, while it was certainly a good thing and good for the morale of anti-racists to see that their rallies outnumbered those of the far-right, the fact is that the rabid racists will be encouraged by having gotten away with holding their racist provocations largely unhindered. Meanwhile, garden-variety bigots watching on their TV screens at home will have been radicalised by seeing the far-right racists able to openly promote extreme racism on the streets.

It is little surprise then that violent racist attacks and abuse against coloured people have continued in large numbers since the July 18/19 Reclaim rallies and anti-racist counter-demonstrations. Early this morning, the Arabella Restaurant and Bar in King Streets in the Inner West Sydney suburb of Newtown was vandalised in a racist attack. Three days earlier, the message “F— Arabs” had been etched into one of the restaurant’s window panes. The same message had been scrawled onto the restaurant’s back door weeks earlier (Sydney Morning Herald, 22 September 2015). Last week owner and chef, Mohamed Zouhour had also received racist threatening phone calls abusing him as “bloody Lebanese” and demanding: “Move out of the area, you can’t be in Newtown, get out.” That abusive call was part of six months of racist phone calls and racist graffiti against the restaurant. In this morning’s attack, the restaurant front windows were repeatedly bashed with a hammer. Nothing was stolen – the motivation was pure racist hostility. It was the third such physical attack on the restaurant in the last year and a half. Zouhour commented:

“I loved it here, and the locals are great, but this is too much. It’s scary, I’m scared.”
“… I find myself thinking I should take my family and go. I don’t feel protected in this country.”

– Sydney Morning Herald, 22 September 2015

Every ant-racist should make a stand with restaurant owner Zouhour and the workers at the Arabella Restaurant against the racist attacks that they are facing. The disgusting and terrifying attacks on the Arabella Restaurant are, however, just the tip of the iceberg. As a capitalist business owner, Zouhour has the chance of getting relatively more mainstream media and police assistance. Yet, every day working class Aboriginal, Middle Eastern, Asian and African people are getting attacked or abused on the streets, in public transport, in the school playgrounds and at nightspots with little or no official redress… and that’s when racist cops are not the actual perpetrators themselves!

For a Mass Mobilisation of Trade Unionists and Coloured People on the Tenth Anniversary of the Cronulla Riots to Finally Make Cronulla Beach Safe for People of All Colours!

Sydney, December 2005: Racist white mobs bash any coloured person they could find on Cronulla Beach. Since then coloured people have been fearful to go Cronulla Beach, which had been (due to its location near a train station) up until the riots Sydney’s most multi-racial beach. The fact that this remains the case and the effects of the riots have not been overturned is a source of inspiration for violent racists throughout Australia. On the tenth anniversary of the Cronulla riot, there needs to be a huge antiracist convoy of trade unionists, “ethnic” youth and antiracists that will travel from the multiracial, working class southwest of Sydney and ensure that Cronulla Beach can be safely accessed by coloured peoples.
Sydney, December 2005: Racist white mobs bash any coloured person they could find on Cronulla Beach. Since then coloured people have been fearful to go Cronulla Beach, which had been (due to its location near a train station) up until the riots Sydney’s most multi-racial beach. The fact that this remains the case and the effects of the riots have not been overturned is a source of inspiration for violent racists throughout Australia. On the tenth anniversary of the Cronulla riot, there needs to be a huge antiracist convoy of trade unionists, “ethnic” youth and antiracists that will travel from the multiracial, working class southwest of Sydney and ensure that Cronulla Beach can be safely accessed by coloured peoples.

With the different far-right components of Reclaim undergoing bitter factional struggle it is unclear whether the Reclaim racist rallies will continue in their current form. However, it is certain that the extreme right forces in Sydney have not been deterred by the outcome of the contest between the racist Reclaim rallies and the anti-racist counter-demonstrations. Thus, at least two fascist groups – the Party for Freedom and the United Patriots Front – are planning racist actions in Cronulla to celebrate the mid-December tenth anniversary of the horrific white supremacist riot on Cronulla Beach. To their credit some anti-racists are trying to organise a counter-action. Such a counter-action is, indeed, badly needed. Even without fascist groups planning provocations to mark the riot anniversary, the chilling effect of the 2005 racist white riot and the, as yet, lack of a counter-mobilisation powerful enough to make the beach safe for people of all colours has meant that dark-skinned people have largely stayed away from that beach. The racist filth have, in effect, succeeded in ethnically cleansing one of Sydney’s prettiest beach spots – a large beach that, with Cronulla’s rail link, is relatively easy to get to for the burgeoning multiracial population of Western Sydney. In fact, of those visiting Cronulla Beach today, over 95% are white. Reference? That is, a defacto system of apartheid exists on Cronulla Beach. This must be overturned! However, given the growing strength of the fascists, the depth of racist attitudes amongst some Cronulla residents and the overall racist climate, any counter-mobilisation must be large enough to be safe, let alone effective. In particular, a mobilisation needs to have the powerful clout of at least some sections of the organised workers movement behind it – especially given that in a standoff with extreme racists, the police’s strong tendency is to side with the racists.

 

Given how emboldened racist forces in Cronulla feel in the current political climate, many coloured people may not feel safe meeting up at a rally starting point in Cronulla on the day of the riot anniversary. A possible tactic, then, would be to gather at a multi-racial working class suburb in Sydney’s southwest and then move as a convoy to Cronulla. As we stated in a leaflet that we issued just days after the 2005 riot itself:

“The question of access to Cronulla Beach is not just a question of the right to use a beach. It is about whether non-white people, especially from Sydney’s poorer Western suburbs, can live in any sort of dignity and security in this country. There must be a mass mobilisation of trade unionists of all colours, alongside immigrant-derived youth, Aboriginal people and leftists, to occupy Cronulla Beach and guarantee safe access to it for people of all races. The white supremacist groups that helped instigate Sunday’s atrocity need to be given the same treatment that union militants have long reserved for filthy scabs who try to cross strikers’ picket lines. Drive them out of stolen Aboriginal land! Such firm action against hard-core violent rednecks would intimidate the more garden-variety racists into pulling their heads in.”

“Given the white racist forces seen on Sunday [i.e. on 11 December 2005], a union/immigrant mobilisation would not take place at Cronulla Beach until the forces for such an action had been adequately built up. But these forces need to be urgently strengthened right now through one, or a series of, preparatory demonstrations in the heartlands of Sydney’s multiracial working class – suburbs like Bankstown or Auburn. When our side is sufficiently strong, the decisive union-centred action at Cronulla Beach can be launched possibly via a huge cavalcade from a rallying point in Sydney’s West.”

– Trotskyist Platform leaflet, 15 December 2005

Sydney, 19 July 2015: A large police mobilisation prevents an anti-racist demonstration from being able to effectively counter a rally by the fascist “Reclaim Australia” movement. It was notable how the police and police horses faced in the direction of the anti-fascists – confirming that the police were siding with the far-right racists against the anti-racists.
Sydney, 19 July 2015: A large police mobilisation prevents an anti-racist demonstration from being able to effectively counter a rally by the fascist “Reclaim Australia” movement. It was notable how the police and police horses faced in the direction of the anti-fascists – confirming that the police were siding with the far-right racists against the anti-racists.

Lessons from the July 19 Anti-Racist Rally in Sydney

In order to effectively organise the upcoming anti-fascist struggles that are needed, anti-racist activists need to seriously examine the lessons of the July 19 anti-Reclaim counter-demonstration in Sydney. Many activists worked tirelessly to promote the action. Yet despite these sincere efforts and despite the current reality that the far-right racists are hated by a large section of the population, the counter-action did not stop the Reclaim provocation. Understandably frustrated by this, some staunch anti-fascists have tended to blame the Socialist Alternative (SAlt) group for having gathered before other anti-racists on the day, saying that this gave the cops the chance to push back the anti-racist demonstration before its full strength had been reached. However, this criticism of SAlt is on this occasion incorrect as well as a bit unfair. The fact is that regardless of whatever tactical methods that could have been employed on the day, there did not exist sufficient enough forces at the July 19 anti-racist demonstration to stop the Reclaim rally in the face of the large police presence defending the fascists.

18 July 2015: Over a thousand anti-racists participated in this counter-demonstration to the extreme racist “Reclaim Australia” rally in Melbourne.
18 July 2015: Over a thousand anti-racists participated in this counter-demonstration to the extreme racist “Reclaim Australia” rally in Melbourne.

By lack of forces here is meant not only a question of insufficient numbers – although that is certainly important. To give anti-fascist forces serious clout requires the power of the organised working class movement. Since the trade union movement has social power and with it the ability to wage industrial action that hurts the profits of the big business bosses whom the police ultimately serve, the police are more reluctant to attack a progressive rally with a sizeable union contingent than they would otherwise be. There is, thus, the potential for an anti-fascist mobilisation with a significant workers contingent to simply compel the police to stand aside – for fear of the social and industrial relations consequences of attacking trade union contingents – while the anti-fascist demonstration marches through and routs the extreme racists. This was the case on May 2 in Brisbane last year when about 100 trade union construction workers were at the core of an anti-fascist rally that defeated a planned rally by the white supremacist Australia First Party. Reference: See “Provocation by Violent Racists Crushed in Brisbane” in Trotskyist Platform Issue 17 (https://www.trotskyistplatform.com/?p=600) Unfortunately, on July 19 in Sydney there appeared to be no organised union presence although some proud trade unionists were certainly there as individuals amongst the crowd.

The other factor that is important is not only the size and composition of an anti-fascist rally but the commitment of participants to not only protest against the white supremacist trash but to actually sweep these extreme racists off the streets. Now the July 19 anti-racist rally was largely full of decent, well-meaning people who quite rightly hate racism. Yet it is possible that over half the participants did not understand the need to actually physically stop the fascists from holding their racist, violence-manufacturing demonstration.

Thus, the question that we need to consider in reviewing the lessons of July 19 is not whether SAlt or other groups adopted bad tactics on the day but whether the very strategy that the anti-racist counter-rally was mobilised on actually advanced the cause of building working class-based actions dedicated to sweeping the extreme white supremacists off the streets. It is clear that the official call for the July 19 anti-racist counter-action did not encourage an action that would seek to actually stop the Reclaim rally. The call posed the event as simply a “peaceful” protest against the ideas of the Reclaim movement rather than an action that sought to shut the racist, violence-inciting rally down. This had the effect of guiding those planning on attending onto a certainly well-meaning but, ultimately, counter-productive pacifist path. Of course, such a call would not have affected those anti-fascists who already understand that when the fascists get away with openly rallying it simply spells more racist violence on the streets. However, it would have misled the many decent anti-racists – some attending their very first anti-fascist demonstration – who were unsure whether a pacifist approach or one based on actually stopping the violent racists is most effective. That, in the end, there didn’t in any case exist the forces to   the Reclaim rally on the day does not make this misdirecting of participants any less a problem. The fact is that many passionately anti-racist youth are being led on to an ineffective, pacifist path and this weakens future anti-fascist struggles. It is SAlt’s partial responsibility for pushing this pacifist rally call – even while sometimes stating adherence to a more staunch perspective and even while many of their members on the day showed a sincere and gutsy determination to rout the far-right racists. Yet it was far from just SAlt that was responsible for the pacifist call out. The majority of those leading the organising of the antiracist action supported such a call out. The Solidarity group and Socialist Alliance pushed such a perspective even more unambiguously than SAlt and even a minority of the anarchist-minded anti-fascists acquiesced to it (though, to their credit, many of the other anarchists involved tried to argue against it in the lead up to the rally).

So a major lesson has to be learnt on this question. However, an even bigger correction needs to be made to ensure that anti-racist actions are in the future based upon a strategy that puts the mobilisation of the workers movement at its core. It is true that those organising the July 19 anti-Reclaim demonstration did make some sincere efforts to “outreach” to trade unions. However, the various reformist socialist groups largely organising the rally did not make an appeal to workers’ class interests part of the actual rally call. There was nothing in the official rally call enunciating the all-important idea that stopping the extreme racists is a key part of building the unity that the working class so badly needs to fight for its own rights. Making such an appeal is essential in order to enhance the possibility of winning class-conscious workers to joining the anti-racist struggle.

The failure to make a direct appeal to workers’ class interests in the call out for the anti-Reclaim demonstration was not simply an oversight. It was a choice. The appeal was not made because the various reformist socialist groups (and indeed many of the “non-aligned” activists involved as well) who were leading the organising of the rally feared that such an appeal would scare off other potential supporters of the anti-racist demonstration – people such as middle class intellectuals, anti-union small businessmen and establishment-oriented ethnic community groups. Indeed, an open appeal to workers’ class interests would scare off some of these people. But a choice has to be made – either one seeks to build a movement based on the working class or one builds a movement attractive to liberal elements of the capitalist class and pro-establishment middle class.

For those really serious about fighting racist violence the choice to be made is clear cut. It is the working class that has the consistent interest to fight fascism and, as events on July 19 showed, without the social power of the working class it is impossible to defeat extreme racist mobilisations when they have significant police protection and that, unfortunately, is most of the time!

Ensuring that call outs for anti-fascist mobilisations openly appeal to workers’ class interests does not, of course, guarantee that the anti-fascist action will end up attracting powerful trade union contingents. There also needs to be a struggle within the workers movement itself against the nationalism and illusions in the state – ideologies promoted by the ALP current misleaders of the workers movement – that impede a workers’ mobilisation against extreme racists. However, an open appeal to workers’ class interests helps the most politically enlightened trade union activists – who already understand the need to stop the right-wing racists  – to be able to convince other workers in their own workplace and/or union into joining the anti-fascist movement. Thus, while it may not always bring instant results, an anti-fascist strategy based on open appeals to the working class helps pave the way for trade union contingents to confidently march into the ranks of the anti-fascist movement. This is what is so badly needed. Therefore, if there is just one lesson that staunch anti-racists should take away from the July 19 events it is this: that the struggle against fascism demands the mobilisation of the working class and such a perspective is only real if one is prepared to make the choice of openly appealing to workers’ class interests at the “cost” of alienating liberal, pro-capitalist establishment forces.

Sydney, 11 October 2015: Proud members of the Nurses and Midwives Association pose for a photo in Hyde Park on the day of the rally in Sydney protesting against the racist Turnbull government’s attacks on refugees.
Sydney, 11 October 2015: Proud members of the Nurses and Midwives Association pose for a photo in Hyde Park on the day of the rally in Sydney protesting against the racist Turnbull government’s attacks on refugees.

Let’s Not Have a “One Rally Wonder” Perspective.
Ideological Preparation of the Anti-Fascist Movement is a Key Part of the Fight to Crush the Extreme Racists

Given that the forces did not exist on July 19 to shut down the Reclaim racist rally what should determined anti-fascists have been doing on that day. There did need to be work done to repulse isolated physical provocations by fascists – most seriously from the Squadron 88 group that approached from the rear. Yet dealing with these threats only took up a minority of the rally time. What about the rest of the time? Many staunch anti-fascists felt understandably frustrated at the situation and tried to think of tactics that could get the job done and compel the police to stand aside. And, afterwards, some sincere anti-fascists discussed tactics that –  in hindsight –  they felt could have enabled some defeats to be laid upon the Reclaim mobilisation.

Yet the long and the short of the situation was that our side simply did not have the forces to shut down the Reclaim provocation: both in numbers and composition as well as in psychological preparedness. That, however, does not mean that what one did at the anti-racist rally was of no consequence. Far from it! It is the absolute duty of those anti-fascists who understand the need to physically defeat the threat from the violent racists and who understand the need for an anti-fascist movement that openly appeals to workers’ class interests to bring that understanding to the many other decent people involved in the anti-racist campaigns. Using whatever time was available at the July 19 anti-racist rally to try and promote these perspectives was a key task for anti-fascists on the day – and doubly so given that the forces did not exist to rout the extreme racists then and there.

Any serious anti-fascist activist knows that the struggle against fascism will not end with the July 19 action. Those who only plan to be involved in anti-racist activism for a short but frenzied period (during a certain transitional stage of their lives) would naturally think that it is unimportant what particular strategies are being promoted by placards, banners, speeches, leaflets, newspapers and chants on the day. However, those in it for the long haul should be extremely interested in all these things because they determine whether anti-racist activists are guided towards an effective or an ineffective strategy for the future.

As part of attempting to shape the anti-fascist movement in the direction which we believe gives it the greatest chance of victory, Trotskyist Platform carried a banner at the July 19 Sydney demonstration that read, “A United, Multiracial & Strong Working Class Can Drive the Racists Off Our Streets.” Additionally, as well as helping to defend the anti-racist rally against fascist provocations, our comrades were busy distributing a leaflet that motivated a strategy of united mass action by the workers movement, coloured people and leftists to crush the violent far-right racists. Here is our article copied below:


Brisbane, 2 May 2014: Trade unionists from the construction industry were in the forefront of an action that swept the white supremacist Australia First Party off the streets. Mobilising trade union contingents is crucial to anti-fascist struggles. Union contingents represent social power and carry with them the implied threat of industrial action if they are attacked. Workers’ contingents at anti-fascist mobilisations have the potential to compel police intent on defending the fascists to stand aside, thus allowing the fascists to be driven off the streets.

SHUT DOWN THE JULY 19th RACE-HATE RALLY!

FOR A UNITED MASS ACTION by the WORKERS MOVEMENT, COLOURED PEOPLE & LEFTISTS TO CRUSH THE VIOLENT FAR RIGHT RACISTS

July 12 – Four weeks ago in the U.S.A, a young white supremacist murdered nine black people when he opened fire on worshippers at the Emanuel African Methodist Episcopal Church in Charleston, South Carolina. Reloading his gun five times as he murdered the black church goers, the white supremacist chillingly yelled out, “you’re taking over our country. And you have to go.” This racist terrorist had been emboldened by the activities of eighteen known fascist groups operating in South Carolina, including two chapters of the Ku Klux Klan and several openly Neo-Nazi groups.

Unofficial attack dogs of official racism and xenophobia, such violent racist groups are active here in Australia too. Over the last year, these Neo-Nazi forces have grown, egged on by the bi-partisan fear campaign being whipped up against Muslims, the thinly veiled racism of a new set of draconian “anti-terror” laws and, perhaps most tellingly of all, the recent formation of the paramilitary-style Australian Border Force: a new set of black shirted jackboots whose job, as we can surmise from its website, is to patrol and enforce the continuum of the Australian border, both external and internal, in order to produce a “cohesive society” where, presumably, elements that don’t fit into their skewed, racially-charged vision (like asylum seekers and persecuted young Muslim Australians that end up angrily incoherent) are summarily shipped out.

Not surprisingly then, the growth of fascist sentiments has been accompanied by a rising tide of violent, racist assaults. In one of several reported attacks last month – each of which represents hundreds that go unreported – a 21 year-old Middle Eastern refugee was left with serious facial injuries after being attacked outside a youth centre in Wollongong on June After first being racially abused, he was then bashed by two youths who pushed him onto a motorbike. The owner of the motorbike then arrived and joined in the heinous racist assault – punching and kicking the victim. Just four days later on June 8, a 15 year old girl of Asian origin was racially abused and then bashed by an adult while on a train approaching Lidcombe station. The white attacker punched the girl several times in the face and kneed her in the body. Meanwhile, at a park in Lidcombe, two Sudanese boys going to Under 8’s soccer training were disgustingly told by an adult racist bully to get out of the park because they were not welcome there.

Capitalist rule in Australia, a brutal regime constituted by two acts of both explicit and implicit violence – the ongoing genocide of this continent’s first peoples and the White Australia Policy exclusion of neighbouring Asia-Pacific peoples – has created such a racist society. In fact, there are countless garden variety racists who could on a bad day physically lash out against a person with dark or so-called coloured skin. Yet it is also a fact that, especially in country towns, Neo-Nazi and KKK-imitating rednecks have attacked and in several cases actually murdered Aboriginal people –as in Townsville where, in 2003, a known white supremacist murdered a 15 year-old boy, Errol Wyles, by deliberately reversing his car to run over the Aboriginal youth twice. This chilling crime – and the deliberate hit and run murder of Yasman Rae Sturt eight months earlier by a white driver who dragged her with his car 100 metres – are part of a series of horrific hit and run attacks on Aboriginal people and Islanders by racist rednecks in Townsville. Meanwhile, in big cities, fascist gangs going on “Asian-bash,”“Indian-bash” and “African-bash” rampages have committed many barbaric racist attacks. Just as dangerous as the threat of such direct assaults and murders by the fascists are the many more, often unreported, attacks that their violent hate speech incites. These far-right racist extremists need to be crushed! By crushing the organised, ultra-racists we will also be sending a message to the more numerous garden variety bigots that acts of racist violence and abuse from them will not be tolerated!

Vietnamese student Minh Duong was savagely bashed in Melbourne by three Neo-Nazi skinheads in June 2012. The racist scum kicked and punched him 70 times, stabbed him, smashed a brick over his head so hard that it broke in two and then left him for dead. Fascists cannot be debated but must be crushed by mass action.
Vietnamese student Minh Duong was savagely bashed in Melbourne by three Neo-Nazi skinheads in June 2012. The racist scum kicked and punched him 70 times, stabbed him, smashed a brick over his head so hard that it broke in two and then left him for dead. Fascists cannot be debated but must be crushed by mass action.

On July 19, various far-right groups calling themselves “Reclaim Australia” will be holding a rally in the heart of Sydney. The organisers, quite absurdly and with seemingly no sense of irony about the fact that they are standing on stolen Aboriginal land, say that they want to “Reclaim Australia” from Muslims and multi- culturalism. Their slogans will, sadly and inevitably, lead to yet more attacks on Muslims. However, these far right groups which have been busy spreading hate against Aboriginal people, Asians and Africans, see this as but a tactic to whip up violence against all people of colour. Anti-racists and trade unionists are mobilising a counter demonstration to this white supremacist rally. The counter-demonstration is scheduled for 10am – half an hour before the start of the fascist provocation. We add our voice to the many others building the counter-action and urge proud working class people and all the intended targets of the racist thugs – Aboriginal people, Middle Eastern people, Asians, Africans, Muslims, Jews, gays and lesbians and other members of the LGBTI community, feminists and leftists – to join us. We say that what is needed is not simply to protest against the fascists but to shut their racist violence-manufacturing demonstration down. Proud

Melbourne, May 2015: An activist with the fascist United Patriots Front (UPF) proudly brandishes Nazi symbols at their rally against communism and Islam. The UPF and Reclaim Australia are avowedly anti-Islam and anticommunist. In truth they are not only bigots opposed to Muslims but are extreme white supremacists intent on stirring up racist violence against all coloured people – they are against Aboriginal people and against people from Asian, African, Middle Eastern and Pacific Islander backgrounds.
Melbourne, May 2015: An activist with the fascist United Patriots Front (UPF) proudly brandishes Nazi symbols at their rally against communism and Islam. The UPF and Reclaim Australia are avowedly anti-Islam and anticommunist. In truth they are not only bigots opposed to Muslims but are extreme white supremacists intent on stirring up racist violence against all coloured people – they are against Aboriginal people and against people from Asian, African, Middle Eastern and Pacific Islander backgrounds.

contingents of trade union members must take the lead. Let’s be there at 10am on Sunday, July 19 at Martin Place between Pitt and Castlereagh Streets to sweep the racist filth off the streets. Let’s emulate the victory that was scored in Brisbane on May 2 last year when over a 100 construction workers (members of the CFMEU, ETU and other unions) were the vanguard of an anti-racist action that drove a neo-Nazi rally right off the streets of Brisbane.

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CRUSHING VIOLENT RACIST SCUM IS PART OF BUILDING THE WORKING CLASS UNITY THAT WE SO BADLY NEED

Every day greedy bosses are threatening workers’ hard won rights. To help them do this, corporate thugs and their lapdogs in the governments of Australia are attacking our unions. Meanwhile, Liberal and ALP federal and state regimes alike are slashing public sector jobs and undermining the services that working class people need the most like public housing and public hospitals. To defeat this many-sided offensive, we need our side to be absolutely united across different trades, ethnicities and nations. Indeed, it is only through such unity that any rights have ever been won at all.

The capitalist bosses and their politician mates know this well. That’s why they have been deliberately whipping up racism to divide the ranks of the working class and divert their fire. They have been demonising refugees and Muslims and ever more viciously vilifying and locking up Aboriginal people. Serving the exploiting class in this agenda are several extreme right-wing groups. These outfits, including open Neo-Nazis, don’t simply want to spread prejudice. They actually want to incite and unleash violent racist attacks.

Melbourne, August 2012: Mounted police attack union construction workers during a workers dispute with the greedy Grocon corporation. The organs of the state are being unleashed ever more aggressively against the union movement, targeting in particular the CFMEU construction workers union.

The rabid racist groups are the most extreme enforcers of the current capitalist order. That is hardly surprising. Any real unionist knows that the most racist person in the workplace is almost always anti-union and betrays fellow workers. The cowardly racist is often seen attacking and picking on minorities to pit worker against worker and siding with the boss when workers voice concerns in the workplace. In the same way, far right groups fanatically hate not only non-white people but also leftists who they understand are the most avowed supporters of that force which ultimately stands in the way of their fascist agenda: workers’ unity and the trade unions. The extreme right wingers follow in the footsteps of the Old Guard and New Guard organisations that had big numbers in the 1920s and 1930s and would go around attacking strike pickets and trade union activists.

It is true that the fascists, right now, do not have the strength that they had in the days of the Old and New Guards. However, their Neo-Nazi counterparts in Europe have been breeding at an alarming rate feeding off the huge unemployment and insecurity caused by decaying capitalism and its severe economic crises. Right now, white supremacist outfits are succeeding in whipping up more and more violent racist attacks on coloured individuals. Working class people cannot allow non-white members of our class to be terrorised in this way. We cannot afford to allow people from a non-white background to be so intimidated that they will be unable to undertake the crucial role that they have often played in the struggle for all of our collective rights. We cannot and will not allow Hitler-loving lunatics to divide our side with racism.

However, to date and albeit with a very small number of important exceptions, the leadership of the union movement has not seriously mobilised the workers movement to stop the fascists. This is despite union activists being amongst those at the top of the fascists’ hit list (need anyone be reminded of Anders Breivik’s murder of 69 members of the Norwegian Labour party’s youth league to demonstrate that it is not only the far left that is the political target of these insanely violent neo-Nazis). Instead, the pro-ALP union bureaucrats hope that the state will one day intervene to stop the fascists. However, the key state organs – the police and courts – have inevitably sided with the violent racists during stand-offs with anti-racist demonstrators. In Melbourne on May 31, police not only allowed the violent racist group, United Patriots Front, to march upon (in the end rather unsuccessfully) an anti-racist rally gathered outside Richmond Town Hall but actually escorted the Neo-Nazi-led outfit as they moved threateningly towards the anti-racists. In contrast, when three dozen anti-fascists attempted to march towards a rally of the extreme white supremacist Australia Defence League in July 2011, police would not allow any anti-racists to get within 100 metres of the sinister racist provocation. Meanwhile, after Neo-Nazi Scott Hasenkamp murdered Aboriginal youth Errol Wyles in Townsville in 2003, the courts sentenced the Neo-Nazi murderer to just a 15 month sentence, of which he only served two months in prison! The same pattern exists in all other capitalist countries where significant fascist forces exist. In Greece, it has emerged that members of the armed forces have been training hit squads of the Neo-Nazi, Golden Dawn party. Media reports in Greece have further exposed that the head of the police’s special forces, internal security, organised crimes, firearms and explosives divisions have been assisting Golden Dawn’s criminal activities.

The fact is that the police and judiciary in capitalist countries have far, far more in common with the racist and anti-union, far-right than they do with anti-fascists. Here in Australia, police have perpetrated the outright racist murder or manslaughter of countless young Aboriginal people in custody over the last three decades including Eddie Murray, TJ Hickey, Mulrunji Doomdagee, Kwementyaye Briscoe and Julieka Dhu. The legal system for its part – from coroner’s inquests to royal commissions – has whitewashed each of these racist crimes. The police – backed by the courts – are also notorious for harassing Asian, African, Islander and Middle Eastern youth living in working class suburbs. And the way that police have assaulted union picket lines and the manner in which the ongoing Royal Commission into Unions is squarely attacking the entire union movement is what the far right thugs are inspired by and seek to emulate in a more extreme fashion. In a capitalist society like Australia, the state and its key organs have been built up to maintain the rule of exploitation of the capitalist class over the working class – and that includes enforcing the ruling class’ racist divide-and-conquer tactics. Thus the police, courts, army and prisons serve the same exploiting class as the thugs of the far-right extremist movement. Although the bulk of the Australian ruling class don’t want to right now openly identify with such extremists, the capitalist rulers know that the far right outfits are on their side. The oh-so-civilised corporate elite wash their hands of the crude race-hatred of the far-right extremists as they know that openly associating with it is harmful to their lucrative trade and investments in Asia. Yet secretly they grin at how the far-right bigotry is helping to divide the working class and divert mass opposition away from themselves. Meanwhile, the more far-sighted of the capitalists and their political think-tanks cannot help but realise that the iron fist of the fascists are a vital force to have in reserve should the big con of parliamentary democracy lose its power to keep tricking the masses into submission. That is why so few politicians from any of the pro-capitalist parliamentary parties have been prepared to make even strong verbal denunciations of the “Reclaim Australia” racist movement.

Indian student Sukhraj Singh spent more than two weeks in a coma and sustained permanent severe brain injuries after being bashed by a gang of racist youth in the Melbourne in 2009. The racist thugs armed with wooden bars attacked an Indian grocery store in the suburb Sunshine. They indiscriminately assaulted customers as they yelled out, “bloody Indians, f--- off." The extreme racist rhetoric of far-right rallies aims to incite such racist violence on the streets.
Indian student Sukhraj Singh spent more than two weeks in a coma and sustained permanent severe brain injuries after being bashed by a gang of racist youth in the Melbourne in 2009. The racist thugs armed with wooden bars attacked an Indian grocery store in the suburb Sunshine. They indiscriminately assaulted customers as they yelled out, “bloody Indians, f— off.” The extreme racist rhetoric of far-right rallies aims to incite such racist violence on the streets.

The far-right extremists can only be effectively combated through the united mass action on the streets of all the intended victims of the fascists. Such an anti-fascist movement must be spearheaded by the organised working class – the class with both the interest and the power to stamp out the Neo-Nazi threat. When an anti-fascist mobilisation is, as is frequently the case, confronted by a large police presence defending the violent racists, it is the participation in the anti-racist movement of union contingents that can compel the police to stand aside because the trade union presence signals the threat of retaliatory industrial action should the police attack the anti-Nazi action.

 

PREPARING ANTI-RACISTS FOR A COUNTER-DEMONSTRATION AGAINST VIOLENT FAR-RIGHT THUGS

There has been much debate amongst leftists and other anti-racists about how best to counter the upcoming far-right mobilisation. Various small-l liberals, including many supporters of the Greens as well as the left groups Solidarity, and Socialist Alliance want a rally that protests against the views of “Reclaim Australia” but rules out, beforehand, any action to shut down the white supremacist mobilisation even if the forces exist to do so. This strategy is wrong. Even if there is a large anti-racist rally that demonstrates widespread community opposition to the “Reclaim Australia” movement, if an attempt to stop the fascists is ruled out then the white supremacists will still be emboldened since, at the end of the day, they will have gotten away with openly fomenting their extreme race hate right in the middle of inner-city Sydney, in the case of the upcoming July 19 rally. Hardened, but presently unorganised, racists watching at home will then in turn be radicalised and encouraged to become active fascists (as some were after the first Sydney “Reclaim” rally on April 4 was not shut down). Hearing media excerpts from nice speeches by participants at the anti-racist rally will make little difference to them – they have been incubated against left wing rhetoric by the venom of the racist ravings of Alan Jones-style shock jocks as well as the barely disguised prejudice of mainstream politicians. Instead, seeing the active white supremacists get away with controlling space in an area in the very heart of Sydney – effectively making a big section of Martin Place a no-go area for coloured people, just like the Cronulla Beach riots sadly did to Cronulla Beach – this is exactly what will embolden them to commit acts of racist violence. To tell anti-racist activists to confine themselves to explaining what is wrong with racism in the face of a movement that perpetrates and incites violence is to disarm and damage the anti-racist struggle. It is following the road of the leaders of the German Social Democratic Party – then and now the biggest party within the German workers movement – who in the lead up to Hitler’s seizure of power were saying that so long as the Nazis do not quit the ground of legality, there is no room for an on the streets struggle to physically stop them!

Charleston, South Carolina, United States: Friends and relatives of victims at a ceremony to mourn the murder of nine attendees at the Emanuel African Methodist Episcopal Church.
Charleston, South Carolina, United States: Friends and relatives of victims at a ceremony to mourn the murder of nine attendees at the Emanuel African Methodist Episcopal Church.

Unfortunately, this stance is also held by the party which in this country covets the proud title of Lenin and Trotsky’s party which not only led the world’s first successful socialist revolution in Russia in 1917 but whose USSR workers state that they led the creation of inspired the Soviet people to heroically and with great suffering withstand and ultimately crush the greatest fascist behemoth ever arrayed against the multiracial working people of the world, that is the

White supremacist activist, Dylann Roof (Right) entered the church – known as a church where black people congregated - and indiscriminately opened fire on church goers. Every Reclaim Australian and UPF rally brings Australia closer to a Charleston-style far-right terrorist massacre.
White supremacist activist, Dylann Roof (Right) entered the church – known as a church where black people congregated – and indiscriminately opened fire on church goers. Every Reclaim Australian and UPF rally brings Australia closer to a Charleston-style far-right terrorist massacre.

enormous Nazi army led by the genocidal maniac Adolf Hitler in World War 2. We are, of course, referring to the Communist Party of Australia (CPA) which, in their article “Lessons from Reclaim Australia protests” by Peter Mac in their newspaper The Guardian, decry the April 4 counter-action in Melbourne for being “violent” and denounce statements by an unnamed group (who happen, incidentally, to be us in Trotskyist Platform) that `the neo-Nazis … must be swept off the streets’ and that we must `drive the violent white supremacists out of stolen Aboriginal land!’ The CPA stance is representative of that of the whole liberal-pacifist wing of the anti-fascist movement. For the CPA and the small-l liberals the

model anti-fascist strategy is exemplified by the pacifist April 4 anti-”Reclaim” rally in Adelaide led by the good pastor, Brad Chilcott, and his “non-violent `subtle and symbolic’ strategies”, some of which, somewhat tellingly, he “had to abandon … because of public safety concerns“ (The Guardian, 22 April 2015) It is true that the counter-demonstrators in Adelaide were indeed “peaceful” even though it has to be noted that this Chilcott-led rally was the weakest of all the anti-Reclaim events in the capital cities on April 4 with the anti- racists outnumbered ten to one by the far-right racists. However, that does not mean there was no violence. Far from it! What the CPA did not report (and to be fair they were likely not aware of) is that following the Adelaide April 4 “Reclaim” action, some of the invigorated fascists followed a group of indigenous activists participating in the counter-protest back to their home and assaulted them. Meanwhile, the emboldening of the “Reclaim” participants – and the bigots “watching at home” – by the fact that they were able to get away with openly spewing extreme racist filth in the heart of Adelaide can only lead to more racist violence on the streets.

Fortunately, at planning meetings for the Sydney July 19 anti-racist rally those promoting the pacifist line have been outvoted by others – including Socialist Alternative supporters and anarchists – who rightly argued that the action should seek to undermine the hardcore racist demonstration by taking over the space that the white supremacists plan to gather at prior to the scheduled start of their “Reclaim” rally. However, the official call for the anti-racist action – for example on the Facebook Event page – remains flawed. For one, at the insistence of Socialist Alternative, the call insists that the anti-racist demonstration will be “peaceful.” Of course, it would be wrong to say that our action will be “violent” – it is the far-right who are the creators of racist violence while the police often use violence to attack progressive struggles – like anti-racist actions and union picket lines. But to insist that a counter-demonstration against those who are inciting, threatening and perpetrating violence against coloured people and anti-racists will be “peaceful” is like telling the Palestinian people to be “peaceful” in the face of the Israeli military’s murderous terror. Mainly white, reformist socialist groups may think that they have the luxury of decreeing that an action against violent racists shall be “peaceful,” however socially-aware coloured people know that they have little hope of deciding when or where their reality is going to be peaceful or not. Politically conscious coloured people know that they face the danger at any time of being attacked by rabid racists while on the streets, in public transport or at nightspots – not to mention when in the far more fraught situation of participating in a demonstration against extreme racists!

Today’s issue of Melbourne’s The Age newspaper reported that social media discussions amongst fascists showed that they planned to bring weapons to the Melbourne race-hate rally next weekend. Thus, for anti-“Reclaim” organisers here to lull people who are planning to join the counter-demonstration into a false sense of security that the action will necessarily be “peaceful” is highly irresponsible and potentially catastrophic. It might mean that rally attendees do not take precautions when coming to the rally. Instead of organising to come to the rally in groups with friends as they should, anti-racists may be lulled into thinking it is safe to rock up as an individual wearing anti-racist badges and t-shirts and all – a practice that could set them up to be attacked on their way in by a Neo-Nazi gang (themselves on their way to the same location for the rival mobilisation). When at the rally site itself, participants who, convinced by the rally call that the demonstration will be “peaceful” and having illusions that the police will intervene to protect them should any threat emerge, may decide to stand around in a very geographically dispersed area rather than in a tight pack with their fellow anti-fascists. This could open them up to being picked off by far- right thugs itching to unleash violence against anti-racists.

How this can play out was shown all too brutally at a stand-off between fascists and anti-racists in Melbourne on 18 March 1995. It was then that 37 members of the then most prominent fascist group in Australia, National Action (NA), rallied on the steps of Melbourne’s parliament house. They were protected from 300 anti-racist protesters by a line of police. However, the anti-racists, lulled into thinking that the police would by necessity keep the two sides apart let their guard down. A squad of NA led by their then fuehrer Michael Brander then charged towards a section of the anti-racist crowd. The police line actually opened up to let the fascists through and in the fascist attack that followed one anti-fascist was severely beaten on the head by a thick flagpole carried by the fascists. The NA squad then retreated behind the police line which closed up behind to protect them as swiftly as it had opened up to let them through. The head injuries sustained by the assaulted anti-fascist demonstrator, who had previously been a very active leftist, were so serious that it kept him out of activism for several years.

MASS WORKING CLASS-CENTRED ACTION TO STOP THE FASCISTS

A militant strategy to stop fascism should be guided by the perspective of mass action centred on the working class rather than small gangs of committed anti-fascists attempting to deal blows to the racist thugs in a series of isolated clashes. Currently, some of the most sincere, dedicated and brave anti-fascists lean towards the latter strategy. Sometimes their actions succeed – something which all anti-fascists can only celebrate. However, the Neo-Nazis, obsessed as they are with weapons and combat training, are also capable of clever tactics. Should anti-fascists suffer a defeat in a small scale clash or be arrested by police, this would not only take out from the movement (for some period at least) some of the most committed anti-fascists but news of the setback would be seized on by small-l liberals and reformists to discredit any perspective to physically stop the far-right scum.

There is, however, a bigger problem with the specialised anti-fascist, commando- like group perspective even if the participants are fortunate enough to suffer no serious defeats. That problem is that this strategy sidesteps the working class masses whose most politically conscious layers may not even be aware that the clashes are taking place. This perspective does not seek to mobilise the working class masses but rather to substitute for the masses the heroism of the anti-fascist activists. Yet it is the working class masses that have the power to consistently deal defeats to the fascists in open confrontations – as occurred on May 2 last year in Brisbane. And although it is a blow to a Neo-Nazi to be taught a lesson by a small anti-fascist gang while walking on a street or on their way home, it is far more demoralising for the fascists – and those bigots watching at home on their TV sets – to see themselves being trounced in the open by a large crowd spearheaded by the muscle of the organised workers movement. However, those focussed on attempting to deal blows to the extreme racist thugs through small- group actions must believe, in various kinds of ways, that the working class is currently too backward to mobilise against fascism or that it takes too long to build up such mass worker mobilisations or that they themselves are personally too isolated from the workers movement to help mobilise working class-based anti-fascist struggle. Thus, these determined anti-fascists end up believing that they must forge ahead of the politically advanced layers of the working class and launch their own actions separately from any section of the masses. In effect they believe they must act as a kind of vanguard of anti-fascist action – although most of them would hate such a self-description.

In the context of a working class-centred mass movement to stop the far-right fanatics, some degree of “black ops” activities against the Neo-Nazis can play a useful supplementary role. However, right now all our energies must be devoted to building up the mass anti-fascist movement. If the very serious anti-fascists currently focussed on the hardcore, small anti-fascist group perspective were to instead immerse themselves in the workers movement and use their considerable energies and talents to winning their fellow workers to an internationalist program – a program that necessarily includes mass action to crush fascism – the anti-fascist struggle would receive a decent boost. The activists involved would have to make the leap from being the vanguard of militant anti-fascist action to being a different type of vanguard – one that does not believe it is better than the masses and rather than seeking to forge ahead of the masses seeks to bring the best layers of the masses with the This perspective will require the activists involved to clarify their own outlook into a very precise revolutionary, internationalist program as they will be stepping into an intense battle with Laborite social democracy for the hearts and minds of the workers. It will require them to undertake work that is more tedious, more patient and far less glamorous than the perspective of small group confrontations with the fascists. Nevertheless, especially now that the far-right forces have grown in Australia so much and are increasingly receiving open support from some sections of the mainstream establishment, it is only the working class that has the clout to decisively crush the fascists.

FOR A UNITED, INTERNATIONALIST & STRONG WORKING CLASS THAT WILL SMASH FASCISM FOR GOOD

Mobilising the working class against the far-right threat is not simply a matter of contacting union officials. Organisers of most anti-fascist actions have always attempted to do this. Nor is it simply a matter of distributing anti-fascist rally leaflets to rank and file union members at worksites although this is certainly essential work. To be effective in mobilising the working class, rally calls must openly appeal to the interests that workers have in opposing the extreme racists. Unfortunately, the official call for the Sydney July 19 anti-racist action does not make such an appeal to the class interests of workers. Anti-fascists often recoil from such a call even

The student who was murdered by the white supremacist terrorist is Somali-born, 15 year-old Ahmed Hassan. Those who believe that fascists can be stopped through simply debating them are badly mistaken.
The student who was murdered by the white supremacist terrorist is Somali-born, 15 year-old Ahmed Hassan. Those who believe that fascists can be stopped through simply debating them are badly mistaken.

though they nominally accept the importance of the workers movement to the anti-fascist struggle. They fear that open appeals to workers class interests will put off some middle-class liberal anti-racists and sympathetic, trendy café owners (who want to be seen as progressive but don’t like unions because they fear that the workers that they exploit might one day join one!) But if appealing to workers’ class interests offends such layers, so be it! It is the working class and not small-l liberals and “small business” bosses that is the strategic force that will defeat fascism.

Sweden, 22 October: A far-right activist, Anton Lundin Pettersson dressed in a Dark Vader outfit stabs to death a student and pupil at a school in the industrial city of Trollhättan. The school was targeted because it had a high proportion of non-white migrant-background youth.
Sweden, 22 October: A far-right activist, Anton Lundin Pettersson dressed in a Dark Vader outfit stabs to death a student and pupil at a school in the industrial city of Trollhättan. The school was targeted because it had a high proportion of non-white migrant-background youth.

Encouragingly, a section of anti-fascist activists seem to be increasingly understanding this point. One stream of anarchists have issued a powerful poster building for the July 19 mobilisation, signed “Anti-Fascist Action,” that in calling to “Shutdown Reclaim Australia” clearly appeals to workers’ class interests in the fight to “Smash Fascists!” and “Drive Them Off Our Streets.” The poster explained that the fascists’ “hateful ideology is an attempt to divide the working class and help the bosses and landlords.”

Appealing to workers class interests is one part of the struggle to mobilise the working class against fascism. The second crucial part is the political struggle that internationalist-minded workers need to wage within their workplaces and unions against nationalist sentiments within the workers movement itself. Right now the CFMEU construction union is waging a divisive nationalist campaign raising fears that local workers will lose out because Chinese companies investing in large projects under the China Australia Free Trade Agreement may be able to bring in Chinese workers. To be sure the social democratic nationalism of the CFMEU bureaucrats is not the same as the violent racism of the fascists. The CFMEU is, after all, the union whose members were at the forefront of the powerful action in May last year that trounced the fascist Australia First Party in Brisbane. However, the economic nationalism of the pro-ALP union leadership does feed into the mainstream nationalist climate that nurtures the far-right extremists. Furthermore, by promoting in more moderate form the local worker versus overseas worker rivalry that the far-right forces spew in extreme form, the union bureaucracy is to some degree legitimising the far-right and thus diluting workers’ inherent hostility to the fascists.

Instead of the divisive and ultimately losing strategy of setting local workers up against their overseas counterparts, our unions must fight to unite all workers in the fight for improved conditions and more jobs for all workers. The fight for jobs means first and foremost an industrial action-based struggle to stop the greedy Australian capitalist bosses from retrenching workers to boost their profits. Yet bowing to the anti-union laws and chained to a strategy of relying on parliament to affect progressive change, it is precisely militant industrial action that the present union officialdom recoils from. And the more the social democratic, current union officials step back from class struggle, the more they are left with having to advance economic nationalism as the “solution” to unemployment. The struggle to purge the union movement of poisonous economic nationalism must go hand in hand with a fight to unleash the power of the working class against attacks on workers’ jobs and conditions. To fight for such a perspective an internationalist, revolutionary current within the unions must be built to challenge the failed policies of the current Laborite leadership. The growth in influence of such class-struggle union caucuses would see the union movement start to unleash its power against unemployment and casualization and thus begin to cut the ground from under the fascists. A revolutionary current within the unions, linked to a multi-racial revolutionary workers party, would also seek to unify the workers movement across racial lines by fighting to mobilise it to support Aboriginal resistance to the forced closure of remote Aboriginal communities, to ensure victory for the Redfern Aboriginal Tent Embassy struggle, to free the refugees and to revoke the racist anti-terror laws. In this way, by starting to dig out the racist soil that this society is built on, working class anti-racist actions like these will necessarily start to uproot the fascist filth from the putrid ground in which they are allowed to otherwise fester and grow.

Yet as today’s despicable acceptance of anti-working class austerity by the left- wing Syriza government in Greece proves, as long as the capitalist class still hold state power then the conditions of unemployment, inequality, poverty and insecurity can never be decisively swept away. No matter how left-wing or radical the

Hardcore opponent of socialistic China, Caterwood Ko is an active member of the fascist Party For Freedom (PFF). Ko has Hong Kong origins and is a staunch supporter of the right-wing, Hong Kong student protesters that oppose Red China’s influence in Hong Kong. Despite being virulent white supremacists and haters of Asian people, the Party For Freedom make an exception and embrace ethnic Chinese Ko (and the right-wing Falun Gong outfit) because they too are driven by overwhelming hatred of socialistic China and of communism more generally. Credit: Anti Fascist Action Sydney (antifascistactionsydney.wordpress.com)
Hardcore opponent of socialistic China, Caterwood Ko is an active member of the fascist Party For Freedom (PFF). Ko has Hong Kong origins and is a staunch supporter of the right-wing, Hong Kong student protesters that oppose Red China’s influence in Hong Kong. Despite being virulent white supremacists and haters of Asian people, the Party For Freedom make an exception and embrace ethnic Chinese Ko (and the right-wing Falun Gong outfit) because they too are driven by overwhelming hatred of socialistic China and of communism more generally.
Credit: Anti Fascist Action Sydney (antifascistactionsydney.wordpress.com)

government sitting in parliament is. Only the overthrow of capitalist rule through workers’ revolution and the establishment of a collectivised economy on a worldwide scale can ensure that fascism is finally consigned to where it truly belongs – the dustbin of history.

HUMANITY’S FUTURE: FASCISM OR COMMUNISM

To see how capitalist economy nurtures fascism it is enough to note that in Australia a large part of the working age population are either unemployed or working far less hours than they want to or else in insecure casual jobs or worried about being retrenched. The far-right seeks to appeal to these people by offering blatantly false but simplistic analysis blaming immigrants and overseas producers for their plight. However, although unemployed and underemployed people make up some of the personnel of Neo-Nazi gangs, the main social base of the far-right are the most reactionary sections of the middle class as well as smaller scale capitalist business owners. The far-right groups aim to recruit insecure, self–employed service providers and tradies buffeted by the wild fluctuations of the capitalist “free-market” by insinuating that competition from migrants and overseas producers are undermining their businesses. Those capitalist business owners whose businesses are struggling are also open to such demagogy. That is why it is in the crisis-ridden capitalist economies of Europe where the fascists are most alarmingly gaining strength and most openly getting the backing from sizeable chunks of the big capitalists.

In capitalist society, both the middle class self-employed and capitalist small business owners are ground down by capitalist banks and big landlords as well as the tyranny of big corporate business. They are fearful of being dragged down – often back down – into the working Middle class individuals can either be won to siding with the working class against the capitalists that oppress them or, alternatively, will follow the capitalists in their push to ever more exploit the working class. Fascism is, in the main, a movement of middle class individuals fanatically mobilised against the working class whom they fear being dragged down into and whose class struggles they fear will either challenge their relatively privileged position or will challenge them in their roles as henchmen (managers, foreman, security guards etc) for the capitalists. Fear of coloured people, LGBTI people and the “other” in general naturally goes hand in hand with fear of the workers movement and its powerful, multi-racial character.

Although most of the Australian fascists revere Hitler, many of them realise that since Australia was on the opposite side to the Nazis in the bloody imperialist squabble that was World War II (with the big exception of the Soviet workers state’s heroic resistance against Nazi invasion), it does not sit well with Aussie nationalist mythology and militarism to outwardly shown any allegiance to Nazism. Today, with the mainstream pro-capitalist parties stirring up fear of Muslim people, the far-right see a chance to push their broader agenda using anti-Islam as a battering ram. They promote the notion that Australia is being taken over by Islam and Sharia Law as well as other cultures and needs to be “reclaimed” by white people. This is, of course, ridiculous. It is the Aboriginal people whose land was stolen and culture decimated – not by people coming to the country seeking to contribute to society as part of making their own lives better as today’s migrants do – but by murdering, brutal colonial conquerors. As for the notion that non-white people have taken over the economy (and there is no reason that white people should control the economy anyway!) it is worth noting that of Australia’s 50 richest people, just two, that is a measly 4% are coloured.

With just 2.2% of Australians being Muslims the idea that Sharia Law could be imposed in Australia is also complete bonkers. In fact, the real threat to secularism is from Christian fundamentalists. Not a single advocate of Sharia Law holds any elected position in state or federal parliament. In contrast, in NSW the balance of power is held by the Christian fundamentalist zealot, Fred Nile. Nile wants mothers confined to the home so much that earlier this year he railed against child care centres as “day orphanages.” Nile and his Christian Democratic Party denounces homosexuality, opposes the Gay and Lesbian Mardi Gras, opposes giving parents the chance to allow their children to opt out of scripture classes at school and fanatically opposes women’s right to abortion. The first, non-state, terrorist murder in Australia this century was perpetrated by a far-right, Christian anti-abortion bigot, Peter Knight who in July 2001 shot dead an employee at an East Melbourne abortion clinic in what he planned would be a massacre of all the staff and patients at the clinic. Today, members of the Right to Life movement that Knight was part of as well as other cowardly, Christian-based bigots continue to harass women seeking abortions outside clinics.

Although the current main focus of the far-right is against Muslims, the ultimate main target of fascist agitation and pogroms will be Asians. Fascism is built on fear and after the white capitalist ruling class “dealt” with the “threat” from Aboriginal people by committing genocide and completely dispossessing this country’s first peoples, the main theme of racist White Australia xenophobia has been the fear of Asians – especially Chinese people. This is the fear that immigration from the populous masses of Australia’s Asian neighbours will dilute the relatively privileged economic position of resource rich and sparsely populated Australia or even threaten white domination of this country. Thus, alongside brutal prejudice against Aboriginal people, anti-Asian xenophobia has dominated Australian racism from the 1861 anti-Chinese violence on the Lambing Flats goldfield to the anti-Chinese laws of the late 1800s to the formal introduction of the White Australia Policy in 1901 and right up to today’s anti-China hysteria.

Already, the most prominent fascist parties, the Party for Freedom and the Australia First Party, devote much of their attention to opposing Asians and the Peoples Republic of China. Last month, the Party for Freedom held a rally outside the Chinese embassy opposing Chinese nationals buying real estate and blaming them for exorbitant house prices. Yet the facts show that Chinese investors spent approximately just 2% of all the money spent on purchasing residential property in Australia and most of this was spent on developing new dwellings. Indeed, for all the hype, official figures from the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade show that despite having 20% of the world’s population, investment in all areas from China makes up only 1.3% of the total stock of foreign investment in Australia – 20 times less than that from the U.S.A (http://dfat.gov.au/trade/topics/investment/Pages/which-countries-invest-in-australia.aspx).  Indeed, Chinese investment in Australia is nearly matched by Australian investment in China. China does not even make the top five of foreign investors in Australia and even tiny Switzerland and the Netherlands have more investments here!

Opposition to foreign investment in Australia is pushed in a rabid way by the Far Right and in a softer way by the Greens and some pro-ALP social democrats. No matter which country it is targeted at, this opposition diverts the masses from the required task of opposing the capitalist exploiters. The high-profile opposition to Chinese investment is driven by racism. As the above official figures show, despite being the most populous country in the world, China is only the seventh largest foreign investor in Australia. Chinese investment in Australia is barely above 2% of total foreign investment in Australia – ten times less than that from the U.S! Investment from mainland China is also notably less than from Chinese-majority Singapore. However foreign investment from Singapore is much less frequently targeted by right-wing groups because Singapore is capitalist and China is socialistic.
Opposition to foreign investment in Australia is pushed in a rabid way by the Far Right and in a softer way by the Greens and some pro-ALP social democrats. No matter which country it is targeted at, this opposition diverts the masses from the required task of opposing the capitalist exploiters. The high-profile opposition to Chinese investment is driven by racism. As the above official figures show, despite being the most populous country in the world, China is only the seventh largest foreign investor in Australia. Chinese investment in Australia is barely above 2% of total foreign investment in Australia – ten times less than that from the U.S! Investment from mainland China is also notably less than from Chinese-majority Singapore. However foreign investment from Singapore is much less frequently targeted by right-wing groups because Singapore is capitalist and China is socialistic.

There is, however, no agitation here against foreign investment from the big, white investing countries: the U.S., Britain, the Netherlands and Switzerland (nor should there be, in fact). It is bleeding obvious then that the hysterical far-right opposition to Chinese investment and the media hype directed against it is based on racist bigotry.

However, there is another aspect to the anti-China crusade. Singapore is also an ethnic Chinese majority country and investment in Australia from Singapore is almost twice that from mainland China. Why then do we not see agitation against investment into Australia by Singapore? Because Singapore is a capitalist country while the Peoples Republic of China (PRC) has a socialistic system administered by a Communist party. Hostility to the PRC from both the mainstream of the ruling class and from the far-right fanatics thus combines racism with anti-communism. That is why much of the mainstream opposition to Chinese investment is focussed on the fact that most of it is from state-owned companies. Although the wavering bureaucracy that administers China has treacherously allowed a fair deal of capitalism to penetrate the PRC, in the PRC socialistic state-owned enterprises continue to dominate all the key sectors of the Chinese economy (unlike in capitalist Australia where public enterprises have only ever played a supplementary role to support a system which is based on wealthy private individuals owning the bulk of the economy).

It is worth noting that the white supremacist Party for Freedom has recruited hardline anti-communist Chinese individuals from the Falun Gong group. There is, of course, a similarity between the fascist agenda of the Party for Freedom and the ideology of the ultra-right Falun Gong group with its fascistic belief in racial purity, its disgusting notion that people of mixed race are inferior and its virulent homophobia. However, what mostly allows the white supremacists to grit their teeth and allow ethnic Chinese members into their party is their shared, extreme hostility to Red China. Fascists see communism as the greatest obstacle to their agenda. That is why the Reclaim Australia breakaway, the United Patriots Front, made its first action (on May 31 in Melbourne) a “rally against communism.

Should the fascists continue to grow, they will offer themselves up to the ruling class as the force that can stand up to Communist China just as Hitler advertised himself as the force that could destroy the USSR. And just as it took Hitler to attempt to realise the capitalist dream of wiping out the USSR, it may well take a fascist regime in the U.S. and Australia to crush the workers movements in these countries savagely enough to allow the ruling classes in these countries to launch what would necessarily be an extremely bloody war on Red China. That anyone could countenance such a catastrophic war seems insane. However, the fascists are not sane. Furthermore, even today the mainstream of the U.S. and Australian ruling classes are seeking to put military pressure on China and to begin to make war preparations, which is why there is the U.S. “pivot to Asia” and why U.S. troops are being stationed in Darwin. This drive to conflict with socialistic China is driven by the very logic of capitalism. As capitalism bounces from one economic crisis to another, the capitalist rulers fear the masses in their own countries seeing any example of workers’ rule – even one like in China that is, admittedly, bureaucratically deformed and weakened by capitalist intrusion.

Furthermore, the only way for capitalists to avert their economic crises is to open up new areas of the world to capitalist exploitation (or else to grab existing neo- colonies from their fellow, imperialist rivals). However, one in five people in the world live in a country, China, where the U.S., Australian and other capitalists’ “right” to exploit is severely restricted. Being a country with a per capita GDP several times lower than Australia (due to the resource poor country being burdened by enforced backwardness from its days of colonial subjugation which it only began to catch up from after the 1949 anti-capitalist revolution), wages in China are necessarily lower than in Australia. However, wages in China are much higher than what they would be should China have been capitalist. Thus, Chinese wages are the second highest of the developing countries in Asia. The relatively better conditions of Chinese workers relative to capitalist societies with similar per capita GDP is especially evident if one considers the high social wage Chinese workers receive – including cheap public transport, free cultural facilities and extensive low-rent public housing. Of course, in a huge and complicated country one could also find many a horror story of exploitation of workers in the private sector – especially light manufacturing industries in the Southeast region bordering Hong Kong which are dominated by foreign, private investment. However, that is increasingly becoming old news. In 2008, the PRC enacted a pro- worker Labour Law that gave workers rights unheard of for workers in Australia (such as a guarantee that long-time employees within five years of retirement cannot be retrenched for any reason). Meanwhile, a government-supported unionisation drive has seen the rate of trade union membership in China balloon. China has the fastest growing workers’ wages in the world – wages there have grown by an average of close to 12% per year over the last few years, well above the rate of growth of GDP in China. Many Western manufacturing corporations like Nike and Adidas have completely abandoned their operations in China for lower wage countries even though the infrastructure in China is much better. So, the only way left for Western capitalists to turn the world’s most populous country into the huge sweatshop for exploitation that they want and, indeed, need it to be in order to relieve the crises in their own economies – is through smashing socialistic rule in China. Far-right forces are promoting themselves as the hardcore anti-communists who can get this job done.

As the socio-political climate in Australia lurches towards one that could see new, terrifying, Cronulla-style mass racist riots, it is worth dwelling on the fact that the fascists – the most radical defenders of the current racist and exploitative social order – see communism as their main political enemy. This is because communism – a society based on collective ownership of the economy where each would contribute according to their ability and receive according to their need – would see the creation of a society where exploitation of human by human would be non-existent and discrimination on the basis of race and gender would be things of the past. Such a society, where the eventual dissipation of all class differences would also see the state itself start to wither away, would bring out the very best in humanity. It would enable all humans to live in friendship, enjoying themselves as they pick out what they want from a rich smorgasbord of cultures.

Increasingly, we are faced with the choice of either fighting for this kind of communism or being plunged into the abyss of fascist-ruled capitalism that will bring yet more racist violence, hatred, oppression of workers and catastrophic wars. The first step in the fight for a communist future is the overthrow of capitalist state power and the construction of worker states. These states would protect the newly established socialist system from the counterrevolutionary efforts of the overthrown exploiters and guide the former middle class to shake off the selfish, capitalistic spirit that they were haunted with from the previous times and, instead embrace the collectivist values of the new epoch. However, to accomplish the revolutionary seizure of state power is not an easy thing. The working class must first be trained both ideologically and practically in a series of partial struggles. An important part of this training involves the working class gaining confidence in its own power through flexing its muscles while unchaining itself from any political ties to capitalist institutions and pro-capitalist political parties. A great way to flex those muscles is to mobilise its own power – united with Aboriginal people, coloured ethnic communities and other anti-racists – to shut down the looming, far right threat. Then, using the confidence we gain from such struggles, we can launch a badly needed counter-offensive against all the greedy, exploiting bosses.

“Fascism - The Most Evil Enemy of Women. Everyone to the Struggle Against Fascism!” Poster by Nina Vatolina who asked her neighbour, whose two sons had already left for the battlefield, to model for this poster. It was published in August 1941, five weeks after the Nazi invasion of the Soviet Union, with an initial print run of 75,000 copies.
“Fascism – The Most Evil Enemy of Women. Everyone to the Struggle Against Fascism!” Poster by Nina Vatolina who asked her neighbour, whose two sons had already left for the battlefield, to model for this poster. It was published in August 1941, five weeks after the Nazi invasion of the Soviet Union, with an initial print run of 75,000 copies.